On America First

The President’s pronouncement a week ago in Poland was positive and powerful: “The West will never be broken!” Just one catch: Mr. Trump himself is trying to break it.

He is assaulting an incomparable quality that has long distinguished our nation from any other. It is this: when our superpower rivals involve themselves in the affairs of other nations, they ask, “What will strengthen us?” We ask more: “What will strengthen us but keep our allies strong too?” Because we’ve understood, what strengthens them strengthens us. What enriches them enriches us. What reinforces their liberties reinforces ours. And what weakens American allies, weakens America. We’ve understood that, until now.

True, sometimes our involvement with other countries hasn’t worked out so well, but more often than not, it has. For them, for us. Which is what makes the President’s platitudes so puzzling, and his self-styled “America First” policies so pernicious.

On trade, one of the central controversies during Trump’s trip, he berates and browbeats allies more than adversaries. He is threatening new tariffs on imports from proven partners which, if you ask many U.S. manufacturers, will raise our costs without copiously creating new jobs. Not to mention inspiring our longtime friends to talk of retaliation. Also of course, he pulled the United States out of the Trans-Pacific Partnership, in effect ceding reliable and remunerative trade relationships to China. This makes us stronger?

On climate, the other core controversy, he will pull out of the Paris climate accord and abrogate America’s agreements on greenhouse gas emissions. Which no less a seasoned diplomat than German Chancellor Merkel declared, most undiplomatically, she “deplores.” The industrialized world’s shift to cleaner fuels and renewable energies is inevitable. And observed in Europe enthusiastically. We just won’t be as big a part of it. China, by the way, will. We are stronger because of this?

On Russia, President Trump told President Putin when they shook hands for the first time, “It’s an honor to be with you.” An honor? To meet a man who takes the territories he wants, who backs the brutal bully in Syria, who has his own critics abducted and imprisoned and killed, and lest we forget, who by consensus in the American intelligence community (which the President continues to dis), fiddled in our American elections? I’m all for patching up paramount geopolitical relationships, but not by turning a blind eye to the other side’s sins.

It is of no small consequence that by showing Russia’s leader respect he does not deserve, President Trump gave President Putin what he has long lusted: to have a seat at the table, to look us in the eye as an equal. This hardly strengthens us. Secretary of State Tillerson rightly said our two nuclear nations have to start figuring out, “How do we live with one another? How do we work with one another?” But do we have to restore Russia to its former glory while we’re at it? Especially when, due in part to President Obama’s inaction in the Middle East, Russia already has a seat again at the table there.

Trump also asked his European audience, “Do we have the confidence in our values to defend them at any cost?” The conundrum is, he doesn’t. A vital value used to be, “All for one and one for all.” But “America First” turns that on its end. And where are our values when the President has said worse things about Germany’s Merkel, America’s ally, than about Russia’s Putin, America’s antagonist? One upshot is, Merkel’s own political party has deleted the word “friend” from its platform when it talks about the United States. Today Trump’s in France for its independence celebration but France’s new president, Emmanuel Macron, lamented last weekend, “Our common goods have never been so threatened.”

We are still the most powerful nation on earth. But are we still the most respected? And how can we lead when others don’t want to follow?

Show me how any of this strengthens our friends. Show me how it strengthens us.

On Trump’s Travel Ban – No Grandparents?

No grandparents?

I hate to get hung up on just one small facet of the partial application of the Trump travel ban, but grandparents can’t travel to the United States to see their grandchildren? REALLY?

When the Supreme Court allowed, pending its formal hearing on the ban, that foreigners can still come in if they have “a credible claim of a bona fide relationship with a person or entity in the United States,” did the President really believe that shouldn’t include grandparents?

I have kids. I have grandkids. They are the most important family I’ve got. The President might not be grounded in achievable approaches to foreign policy (or dignified declarations about domestic critics), but he is a grandparent himself. Eight times over. I’ve got to believe that he loves his family. Which by most anyone’s definition includes his grandkids. Does he not see that?

When I read about this part of the ban, I thought about a weekend I spent a couple of summers ago at a grief camp for kids. It is run by Mount Evans Home Health Care & Hospice, and gives children who’ve suffered a terrible loss a brief break from their sorrow. They ride horses and catch fish and slide down zip lines and swim, and in-between the fun, there is therapy.

The children sit in circles, along with their adult “buddies” like me, and talk about the loved ones they lost and the futures they face without them. One boy in my circle had lost his father to a motorcycle accident. Another lost his dad to drugs. One girl’s sister had died of a disease. Another no longer had a mom.

And then a little girl started sobbing about her lost loved one. It was her grandmom. I’ll be honest and tell you, in my mind I was thinking that this girl’s loss just wasn’t tragic on the level of the other kids in the circle. Until she told us more. Her grandmother had raised her. Her grandmother was the only family she had. And now grandma was gone. The little girl had no one left.

When the White House announced its definition of “bona fide” relationships, it said it was based on The Immigration and Naturalization Act of 1965. Trump’s interpretation is definitely not the act’s two sponsors’ original intent. One was New York Representative Emanuel Celler, who served almost 50 years in the House and once pleaded with President Roosevelt to relax immigration laws to provide a haven for Europeans fleeing the Holocaust.

The other was Senator Edward Kennedy. You don’t have to read up on him to know where his beliefs were anchored. Kennedy’s and Celler’s intent was to reunite immigrant families. But typical of its disregard for precedent, the Trump Administration is turning their legislation on its end and using it to keep bona fide grandparents from uniting with their families.

You’re read it before but it’s worth repeating: when it comes to the threat of terrorism in the United States, incoming refugees, especially those with preexisting relationships here, are not the problem. The mass murderer at the Pulse Nightclub in Orlando was born in New Hyde Park, New York. The mass murderer at the Christmas party in San Bernardino had served in the United States Navy during the Iraq War and was born in Chicago. The mass murderer at Fort Hood was an Army psychiatrist for heaven’s sake, born in Arlington, Virginia. Three terrorists. Three Americans.

You’ve heard the phrase “arbitrary and capricious.” As law professor Kathryn Watts wrote in the Yale Law Journal, a poorly rationalized decision is “arbitrary and capricious.” Which surely describes this newest version of the Trump travel ban. It won’t do a darned thing about homegrown terrorists. But it will superfluously, stupidly, separate families.

The Supreme Court is back at full strength with the addition of Coloradan Neil Gorsuch but its conservative composition notwithstanding, it should step in and stop this perversion. If anything seems un-American, it is an embargo on entry for the grandparents.

On ISIS and Its Staying Power

In almost every war I ever covered, the side that took control of traditional symbols of power— legislatures, leaders’ residences, military bases, print and broadcast headquarters— held control of government. But in its war with its many enemies, the Islamic State doesn’t have to keep a hold on vital buildings, as long as it has a hold on the human mind.

That’s why it might be misleading to be cheered by The Denver Post’s hopeful headlines this past week. Like, “Iraqi leader declares end to IS (Islamic State) caliphate.” Then, “Airstrikes in Mosul,” which described the Iraqi army’s “territorial gains.”

Don’t be fooled. From “Peace is at hand” in Vietnam to “Mission Accomplished” in Iraq, we know that politicians strive to shape the narrative. Beware. The Islamic State might have to reinvent itself. But it isn’t going away.

The fact is, it hasn’t even lost its caliphate, at least not yet, let alone its incomprehensible appeal to militant Muslims, or its ominous existence on every continent. You read that right: every continent (if we can exclude Antartica). Last year, experts counted up to two dozen nations with some incarnation of the Islamic State: Islamic State armies, Islamic State affiliates, Islamic State cells, Islamic State wannabes. Today the estimates are half-again higher.

A year ago, even before the self-proclaimed caliphate seemed seriously threatened, one of its leaders said in an audio message to its acolytes, “Whoever thinks that we fight to protect some land or some authority, or that victory is measured thereby, has strayed far from the truth. It is the same, whether Allah blesses us with consolidation or we move into the bare open desert, displaced and pursued.”


Because the “bare open desert” isn’t sand. It’s Christmas parties in San Bernardino and nightclubs in Orlando. It’s bridges in London, airports in Brussels, fireworks spectacles on Independence Day in Nice. As Brookings Institution senior fellow William McCants puts it, “They are prepared to wage a war from the shadows.”

West Point’s Combating Terrorism Center reported last month that in 16 cities across Iraq and Syria, the Islamic State recently has staged roughly 1,500 attacks. And here’s another chiller: in those 16 cities, the Islamic State had been declared defeated. Just because the Islamic State’s enemies are winning some pivotal battles, it doesn’t mean they’re winning the war.

Case in point: the Philippines. In late May, rebels variously described as “aligned with” and “linked to” the Islamic State took control of Marawi City and its 200,000 citizens. Most people have fled but the rebels are still there, fighting house-to-house battles with the Philippine army. By all accounts, even if the army wins, there won’t be much of a city left for citizens who return.

When a nation’s unstable, let alone engulfed by conflict, huge pockets of the population can lose whatever public services they’ve had. For example, in towns through which war has swept in Iraq and Syria, in Libya and Yemen and Afghanistan, life for those left is dismal: no electricity, fuel, bread, or water. No functioning hospitals, no functioning schools. Still a lot of rubble. And still a lot of decomposing bodies buried beneath it. You know what they say about a vacuum. Ideal for a terror group to move in.

I’ve covered it elsewhere. In the Gaza Strip, the Palestinian Authority was so corrupt, it stopped providing services for citizens. Hamas filled the void. Hamas now holds the power. Likewise in Lebanon, where the government pulled out and Hezbollah, with Iran’s support, replaced it. The Islamic State knows this playbook. And can still make friends, especially if President Trump has his way and American aid funds are cut.

You will hear that the Islamic State is on the run. But don’t be fooled. It is not subject to conventional military defeat. And can turn defeat into victory. Don’t let the politicians, nor the generals, nor certainly our inventive and ignorant president with his “secret plan” to defeat the Islamic State tell you otherwise. The Islamic State is not going away.

On a Good Governor

When we’re whipsawed from Washington by the likes of Mitch McConnell and Nancy Pelosi and Donald Trump, it’s refreshing to have a politician here at home who’s more prone to pacify than polarize.

That’s John Hickenlooper.

He has the common touch. After six-and-a-half years as Colorado’s governor and almost eight before that as Denver’s mayor, he hasn’t lost it.

He also has the Midas touch. Hickenlooper started as a geologist, then when the minerals economy went bad, he recreated himself as a brewpub owner and helped launch LoDo. Then he recreated himself again as a mayoral candidate. A most unlikely one. He seemed nerdy and wore ill-fitting suits. And went head-to-head with popular politicians with experience. But he converted most everyone he met. When the political neophyte first came to my talk radio studio, although he and I had clashed in point-counterpoint columns in The Denver Post, he won me over. And won the job. And became one of the nation’s best.

The governor’s office was the natural next step. And he was a natural. Yet again, he became one of the best.

So now, for term-limited John Hickenlooper, what’s the natural next step? His name was in the air when Hillary Clinton looked like our next president. Secretary of Transportation? He was a founding father of FasTracks and for six years chaired the Transportation Committee for the U.S. Conference of Mayors. Housing and Urban Development? Commerce? After successes at City Hall and the Statehouse, they would all fit.

But it wasn’t meant to be. Which, Hickenlooper told me in an interview in his Capitol office, did not disappoint him, because his son Teddy is in the taxing transition to high school. “It’s hard to say no to the President of the United States, but I’d have done everything possible to avoid it.” You’ve got to like the man’s priorities.

You’ve also got to like his humility. He says of his childhood, “I was skinny, I wore thick glasses, I had acne. I wasn’t a leader in any sense of the word.” Nor did his life as a scientist and beer merchant, sometimes selling real estate on the side, fit the mold: “None of this stuff you would pick if you wanted to run for office.”

Yet he ran, and his background served him well, especially operating the Wyncoop brewpub. It taught him, “All the pieces have to work in sync or they don’t work at all.” Kind of like government. He also learned, “There is no margin in having an enemy.” Hmmm… kind of like government.

I asked Hickenlooper how his decade-and-a-half leading Denver and Colorado has changed him? “It’s really restrained my impulses. I used to make snap judgements, moved quickly. It’s more important to be thoughtful, think of the consequences of your decisions.” What a concept!

With a year-and-a-half still to go at the statehouse, Hickenlooper isn’t exactly filling out job applications yet. But ask him what’s next and he’ll matter-of-factly tell you that being chief executive officer of a city, then a state, qualifies him for many things. Running a large company. A big foundation. Possibly a university— Colorado politicians like Hank Brown, Bruce Benson, and Bill Armstrong have plowed that path before him.

Inevitably though, an even bigger presidency comes up. Leaving office in early 2019, the timing would work to commence a campaign for the White House. Hickenlooper’s standard answer when asked about this is, I’m focusing on running Colorado. But taking the lead among the nation’s governors in a bi-partisan campaign to prevent the full repeal of the Affordable Care Act, underscored by his news conference Tuesday with Ohio governor and recent Republican presidential candidate John Kasich at the National Press Club in Washington, doesn’t exactly suppress speculation.

Yet still, he sounded genuine when he told me, “There is certainly a strong desire to return to a normal life.” His State Patrol security team, for example, won’t even let him drive.

Personally, holding Hickenlooper’s humility and common sense up against what we see these days in Washington, I’d be fine if the Secret Service does the driving next.

On Who Journalists Should Interview

Before NBC had even aired the second edition last night of its new show with former Fox journalist Megyn Kelly, there was rage about its content. Namely, an interview with Alex Jones, a despicable conspiracy theorist. He’s the one who screamed after the Sandy Hook massacre of 26 people, including 20 kids, that it all had been staged. Staged by the children’s parents, no less. “Completely fake, with actors.”

There was rage from parents, rage from advertisers, rage from celebrities like Chelsea Clinton who, albeit untrained, worked a while as a journalist, and therefore should know better than to tweet, “I hope no parent, no person watches this.”

I pity those Sandy Hook parents for the pain this prolongs, but critics like Clinton are shortsighted because there’s a bigger picture to paint: on Kelly’s debut broadcast the week before, Russian President Vladimir Putin was her blockbuster interview. We didn’t hear a peep of protest.

Yet Putin is more dangerous than Jones. Jones is just a nauseating nut case. Putin is a Machiavellian megalomaniac who has marched into sovereign states and taken by force what he thinks ought to be his. He has brutally bolstered a Syrian despot. He has slashed the civil liberties of his own citizens. And incidentally, evidently he hacked his way into American politics.

But both are worth watching, Putin and Jones. The principle is, better to understand an antagonist than to just ignore him. Megyn Kelly, on the defensive about the Jones interview, put it this way: “Our goal in sitting down with him was to shine a light… on this influential figure, and yes, to discuss the considerable falsehoods he has promoted with near impunity.” So influential, our president even praises this contemptible man (as he praises Putin, too). We surely won’t make sense of it if we hide our heads in the sand.

What every American has to ask is, who should decide who’s worthy of scrutiny and who’s not? Someone on the left, someone on the right? It’s a slippery slope.

What every journalist has to consider is, interviews like this give scumbags a soapbox, but what’s important is how you handle it. What questions you ask, how you phrase them, the tone you take, how you push back if you don’t get honest answers. Even the expression on your face. It all matters.

I’ve interviewed a range of loathsome losers, from American Nazis to murderers on Death Row. I’ve interrogated the likes of Muammar Gaddafi, who led an oppressive government, and Yasser Arafat, who made his bones as a terrorist, and Ayatollah Khomeini, who created the fanatic-friendly Islamic Republic of Iran. The conversations offered insights to their thinking. Should I have ignored them instead?

Granted, when you’re questioning a tyrant on his turf, you need to hold his feet to the fire, yet protect your own feet from getting burned. You have to take care not to cross a certain line… even though you don’t necessarily know where that line actually is.

It’s especially tough to do in parts of the world where, because local journalists are beholden to their governments for their jobs, people assume the same of us. They’re already suspicious, so ask the wrong question, or ask it the wrong way, you can end up dead, and waving the U.S. Constitution won’t help. My mantra always was, if I’m going to get killed for doing my job, it should be because I was star-crossed, not because I was stupid.

In most of the global trouble spots I covered, journalists came from American news organizations and only a handful of other nations, those that had levels of freedoms that come close to ours. Press coverage is something to value, not revile.

So Megyn Kelly, you are the latest in a long line of journalists to ascend to a powerful pulpit. Get the newsmakers, whether saints or sinners. Ask the hard questions, especially if it’s here at home, and don’t let them off the hook. We’ll all be smarter, maybe even public policy will be smarter, because of it.

On Middle East Complexities

Maybe the best way to draw a diagram of rivalries and alliances in the Middle East is to think about how it looks when you boil a pot of spaghetti, then pour out the water and pull out the pasta. You end up with stray strands of starch stuck to the bottom, splayed in shapes that might make Pablo Picasso proud.

The trouble is, such curvilinear contortions might leave an artist proud, but on a Middle East flowchart they only leave us confused. Rivalries I’ve covered there, in large part, are rooted in the principle that “The enemy of my enemy is my friend.” Which works, until your friend makes up with your enemy and the diagram has to be redrawn. Alliances, for the most part, are marriages of convenience. Which also works, until it’s not so convenient any more. And the diagram has to be redrawn, yet again.

The nations of the Middle East know how the game is played. Yesterday’s enemy is today’s friend. Today’s friend is tomorrow’s enemy. No friendship is forever, no enmity is eternal.

Those nations get it. Us? Not so much. Especially after the past couple of weeks. Saudi Arabia’s now our BFF (“Best Friend Forever”), so when (along with four other Arab governments) it cut diplomatic, trade, and travel ties last week with next-door neighbor Qatar, President Trump jumped in with the Saudis and skewered Qatar, tweeting, “Perhaps this will be the beginning of the end to the horror of terrorism!”

It won’t. Not just because it’s not that simple, but also because oil-rich Qatar is not the only state from which funds flow to fanatics. Another? How about our new BFF, Saudi Arabia. And it won’t end the horror because Saudi Arabia isn’t really cross with Qatar for sustaining terrorists. It is cross with Qatar for aligning with Iran which, as a regional superpower, is the Saudis’ most ominous adversary.

Of course we have no more regard for Iran than the Saudis have, so given the logic for rivalries and alliances, it would follow that since Iran is Saudi Arabia’s enemy as well as ours, and Qatar is a friend of our enemy and an enemy of our friend, Qatar would be our enemy too.

But it’s not, (at least not yet). That’s because Qatar offers irresistible attributes as a friend. Namely, it hosts the Middle East headquarters of the United States Central Command, and the air base from which we stage attacks on terrorists. Like the Islamic State.

Even the geopolitical picture of Iran is fuzzier than you’d think. The fact is, the U.S. and Iran have mutual malice toward the Islamic State. In Iraq, Syria, and Yemen, we are fighting the Islamic State. And so is Iran. How does that that jibe with “the enemy of my enemy is my friend?” Especially since Qatar is on the same side too, in the same fight.

To different degrees, the United States today is involved in more Middle East wars than ever before. A friend in one war is an enemy in another. The best we can do, although bewildering, is recognize reality.

And if you need any more head-spinning scenarios, late last week our friend Turkey sent in troops to prop up Qatar, which is our friend but also our friend Saudi Arabia’s enemy.

An old parable I’ve often heard in the Middle East actually explains everything. A scorpion asks a frog to carry it across a river. Afraid of being stung, the frog says no, but the scorpion promises that it would never sting the frog because then they both would drown. So the frog gives the scorpion a lift until, halfway across, the scorpion stings the frog. As they’re dying, the frog asks the scorpion, “Why did you sting me, dooming us both?” The scorpion answers, “Because, my friend, this is the Middle East.”

Someone should explain that to President Trump.

On Keeping America First

Will someone please tell me, when we flip the bird at almost every other nation on earth by withdrawing from the Paris Climate Accord, announcing that although we’re one of its two worst polluters, our planet is on its own so we can “protect America and its citizens,” how does this keep America First?

When we turn our back on science and stand with the only two nations openly opposed to the agreement— Syria and Nicaragua— while world leaders whose partnership is imperative inveigh that after 70 years, the U.S. has lost its mantle of enlightened attitudes and moral leadership, how does this keep America First?

For that matter, when we stage budgetary attacks on the growing and gainful evolution of renewable energy and doom ourselves to outmoded industries and dirty air, how does that keep America First? If you’ve been to China, you know how many people walk around with medical masks over their mouths, and what it’s like for your eyes to burn wherever you go.

I’m all for putting America First, but too many of the President’s retrograde moves and rude manners put us closer to America Last. As Governor Hickenlooper put it, “Isolationism is not leadership.”

Has the President ever learned that although we were helping post-war Europe back when he was born, since then it often has been Europe helping us? Covering the first Gulf War, I did stories on European allies’ armies that rallied to the American cause (yes, including France). Likewise Afghanistan. Likewise Iraq. But now, with the President actually threatening Germany about military burdens— “Very bad for U.S. This will change”— the leader of our strongest European ally bitterly bewails that the United States no longer is a reliable partner.

Already there are allies like Turkey, Poland, and Hungary flirting with our adversaries. Not to mention Asian nations like South Korea and the Philippines. Between conflicts over climate and trade and mutual defense, the trend can only worsen. The President wouldn’t even affirm the “All for one, one for all” canon of NATO (invoked only once, when Europeans streamed in to support us after 9/11). What he doesn’t understand is, we weaken Europe, our principal buffer against everything from refugees to terrorism to expansionism, and we weaken ourselves.

Russia’s President Putin must be licking his chops. Tell me how this keeps America First?

Where is the logic? Except for North Korea, who does the President dis more than anyone? Not Russia, even though Putin isn’t out to Make America Great Again, he’s out to Make Russia Great Again. Not China, which threatens to replace us as the planet’s economic powerhouse. The answer is Europe, which is, with just a handful of exceptions, the only part of the world that shares our values. Most of our other allies take coffee with us because of what we do for them. The Europeans break bread because of what we mean to them.

Or maybe these days, “meant” to them. The President insolently lectures Europeans about trade imbalances (even though the Germans have created hundreds of thousands of jobs in the United States building electronics and autos of which, by the way, our hypocritical headman has owned several), but in Saudi Arabia, an infamous abuser of human rights and contributor to terrorists, he keeps his mouth shut and does the ceremonial sword dance. This keeps America, and its sacred beliefs in decency and democracy, First?

I’m even wondering, would Trump son-in-law Jared Kushner’s “back-channel” to the Kremlin, apparently insidiously intended to circumvent American intelligence (by using Russian equipment, no less), keep America First?

Maybe when the President pushed the Prime Minister of Montenegro at the NATO conference to bully his way to the front for a photo shoot, it was his metaphor for “America First.” Big mistake. Our security, our prosperity, our liberty are best served by focusing on common interests, not self-interest. That’s how we’ll keep America First. Conserving coalitions, not whacking them with a wrecking ball.

On One Friend’s Cancer

This is about a friend. A thinker. A philosopher.

He wasn’t formally trained that way. He was trained as a doctor. A lung doctor. Which is what’s so ironic. Three years ago he was diagnosed with lung cancer. Unjust, for a man who saved others from the disease. And never once put tobacco between his own lips. Lung cancer usually comes from smoking, but not always. Not for Dr. Dennis Clifford.

I never smoked cigarettes myself but despite my wife’s warnings that cigars are even more poisonous, occasionally on working trips overseas I smoked them. Until the night I got home from a rough trip to the Middle East. We went out to eat and just as I was sheepishly saying that my only treats on the trip were Cuban cigars, Denny walked in. When he came over to say hello, my wife told him what I’d just told her. This tall bearded cerebral man looked down at me and said seven simple words: “I thought you were smarter than that.” They didn’t come from a book. They came from his heart. I never touched another cigar.

When Denny began to die, he began to write. About life. And about death. He posted dozens of engrossing essays, tens of thousands of words, on a website called It’s a place where people share stories, whether spirited or sad, about their health.

He could always see the bright side. Like this excerpt from last year, after thinking all was lost: “I am so grateful to be able to write to you today. Last summer this certainly would have been a fantasy, but I have been given a second life for some mysterious reason and I plan to ride this wonderful wing of well being as long as it lasts.”

And sometimes he was lighthearted, writing posts in the voice of his black standard poodle named Kayla. “I’ve been trained to see the signs of pain in Denny’s face and how he holds his body when he says the ‘pain gremlin’ has gotten ahold of him. I don’t know what a pain gremlin is and believe me I looked very carefully for one to chase him away because that’s my job, but I never saw one.”

Denny also wrote in his own voice about that “pain gremlin,” titling one post “The Hateful Friend”: “Always there upon awakening, ready to start gnawing with its sharp weasel teeth, ready to take away your breath with a sudden sharp stab of astonishing intensity.” He recounted one particular procedure: “Imagine filling your chest cavity with gasoline and lighting it on fire. Pain that chases any consciousness from your brain until you are consumed by it.” To endure such pain is one thing. To describe it is another.

In one post profoundly titled “The Thief of Life,” Denny lucidly described his disease: “When it touches close it smothers anything it possibly can without remorse or hesitation. It lies. It is cunning. Sometimes it knows it is going to win and toys with us dangling hope, only to snatch it away.” This Lutheran Hospital pulmonologist had seen lung cancer beat others. Now it was beating him.

One day, reading some of Denny’s overpowering posts, I was struck by something significant. Many “comments” on the pages were written by people who began with something like, “Dr. Clifford, we’ve never met, but…” The “but” always led to testimonials about how Denny was giving them the capacity to cope with their own staggering challenges, how his strength was strengthening them.

What that told me was, the posts ought to become a book. There already are books out there along these lines, like Mortality, The Last Lecture, When Breath Becomes Air. Each is unique. Denny’s would be too, and evince insights the others don’t.

So with his and his wife’s collaboration, I wrote about it to agents and editors. But I struck out. One wrote back asking, “What does this cover that the other books don’t?” When Denny read that, it was the only time in his incessant illness that I saw some pique: “Just because others have experienced dealing with cancer doesn’t mean they have the same lessons any more than each of us experiences the process of dying in the same way.” But alas, there is no book.

Early this month, Denny wrote his final post: “Cancer in the end always wins. Slowly, inexorably, mercilessly.” All treatments having failed, he was entering hospice.

Eighteen days later, his family added one more post: “Dying is hard but in the end there is peace.” Denny Clifford was gone. His death was the world’s loss. His eloquence, and his inspiration, were the world’s win.

On China

You’d have to figure, if a country can’t get it on with Sesame Street, it’s never going to win a starring role in the league of nations.

But in the case of China, you’d figure wrong. China tried— and technically-speaking, they did Sesame Street they way it ought to be done, right down to Big Bird’s complex costume. But according to Robert Daly, director of the Kissinger Institute on China and the United States, who has spent his career not just analyzing China but for many years actually living there (including a stint producing the Chinese version of the show), there was one obstacle their culture couldn’t overcome: marrying humor with education, which is the basis of Sesame Street’s success. But in terms of laying the foundation for a flourishing future, it’s among the few things they’ve gotten wrong.

Listen to the litany of Chinese success stories that Daly laid out to an audience last week at WorldDenver. Some are simply due to the country’s size, but some are due to its determination. China has not just the world’s largest population (about a fifth of all humanity) but its strongest purchasing power. It is the world’s biggest exporter of manufactured goods, its biggest single producer of steel and motor vehicles and many agricultural products. China has the world’s highest capacity of solar and wind-generated power, the most smartphone users, the most university students, the largest middle class (110 million versus 95 million in the U.S.). China has almost a quarter of the world’s connections to the “internet of things,” the concept of connecting any device— from phones to furnaces to coffee makers— with any other.

And most consequential, China is poised to become the world’s Number One economy. Which would leave us as Number Two.

Sure, China’s got problems, and by dint of its humongous size, they are humongous problems. Its successes have elevated everyone’s income. But it’s all relative. Still, the World Bank says, hundreds of millions— roughly the whole of the American population— live on $2-a-day or less, and some are restive. Levels of air, soil, and water pollution are so high— the inevitable repercussion of China’s dogged industrial revolution— that the cost of correcting them is incalculable. In some parts of the country, pollution lowers lifespans by five years. Nationwide, up to a million pollution-related deaths a year. Even its leaders complain that their eyes are burning, so China will face the music.

But still, China is feeling its oats. It was handed new trade opportunities on a silver platter when President Trump perfunctorily pulled the U.S. out of the Trans-Pacific Partnership. It finds itself on the receiving end of pleas by the American president to constrain North Korea (which is not as simple as it might seem). And although it is at loggerheads with some Asian neighbors over its expanding presence in the South China Sea, that expansion has become a reality. The United States has long been the 800-pound gorilla there, guaranteeing the security of our allies (and the security of our global trade). China sees that as an impediment in its own sphere of influence. China, Daly says, wants a “zone of deference,” if not dominance. Although historically a land power, not a sea power, it’s getting what it wants.

And why should we pay attention to all this? Because when we look at our rivals for superpower status, too often we look in the wrong direction, toward Russia. Russia craves the title, but lacks the qualifications. Between a colossal economy, a nuclear-armed military, and ever-increasing influence on every continent, China’s got them. As Robert Daly puts it, “Stop speaking of China’s ‘rise.’ China has risen.”

We want to preserve our position of preeminence on the Pacific Rim. But with China’s own powerful position and its ability to pay for what it wants, plus all the diversions in Washington that muddy our focus, we haven’t yet figured out how. Or decided if we’re even willing to pay the price.

On Trump Meeting Duterte

A really bad guy might be coming to the White House. President Donald Trump late last month invited his Filipino counterpart, Rodrigo Duterte, to pay him a visit.

Duterte is the tough-talking tyrant who actually encouraged the “slaughter” by his own police of drug suspects — not just dealers, but even users. They’re called “extrajudicial killings.” That means no arrest, no trial, no jury, no conviction. Just death. An estimated 7,000 so far.

The reaction from human rights groups was predictable and proper. The Asia director of Human Rights Watch said, “By essentially endorsing Duterte’s murderous war on drugs, Trump is now morally complicit in future killings.”

Predictable and proper. But also, in the world of realpolitik, naive. The Philippines is a longtime ally that has started tilting toward China. It is an important power on the South China Sea, where China would displace the United States. And according to the White House, the Philippines should be part of an American plan on the Pacific Rim to isolate and weaken nuclear-ambitious North Korea.

That’s where realpolitik comes in. It can be hard to swallow, but what it means is, sometimes we have to put national security ahead of moral values. Sometimes there is no happy ending to the story. Sometimes all we get is the best of a bad lot. Examples are abundant.

For more than a year I covered the revolution in Iran. Hardly a day went by without someone telling me a new story about the Shah’s savagery. The Shah was a bad guy. But he was a friend of the United States. So he was our bad guy. It was painful to stand beside him, but once he was pushed out, look what replaced him. We’d have been better off — arguably the world would have been better off — if the whole revolution had never happened.

On and off for several years I covered Libya under Col. Moammar Khadafy. On every trip to Tripoli, someone surreptitiously told me a story about malevolent misbehavior by this madman. He himself all but admitted to me in an interview that he had harbored terrorists who had just murdered Westerners at two European airports (he called them “freedom fighters”). Khadafy was a bad guy. But eventually, seeing which side his bread was buttered on, he became our bad guy. He could barely be trusted, but look at the anarchy that took root after his death. The Islamic State, al-Qaeda, Mediterranean refugees. We’d have been better off if Khadafy had not been overthrown.

I’ve done countless stories in Egypt. President Anwar Sadat, then Hosni Mubarak after him, they were no friends of democracy. I met them both; they wore suits and ties and seemed civilized. But they oppressed their opposition and ran a police state. It was understandable that in the Arab Spring, the Muslim Brotherhood candidate won the presidency. Then it was deplorable that he was toppled and replaced by Egypt’s military chief. A nation ripe for the seeds of terror once again is a police state. Yet while it hurts me to say it, we are better off.

Even Iraq. I personally witnessed some of Saddam Hussein’s heinous atrocities. Although skeptical about the American case against him and leery of the simmering schism between Sunnis and Shiites, I was glad to see him go. But what followed was a barbaric outburst of centuries-old rancor. Which gave rise not only to the Islamic State but to unparalleled instability throughout the Middle East. That’s what replaced him.

So maybe we’ll be hosting a double-dealing dictator at the White House. He wouldn’t be the first. He won’t be the last (we’re sure to have the Saudis back). And if our realpolitik realities call for it, he shouldn’t be. This doesn’t mean we shouldn’t speak out, even shout out, when American allies act like animals. But it does mean we shouldn’t cut the cord, just because they do.

On Peace in the Middle East

Rarely have I hoped so hard that I’m wrong. But when it comes to peace between Israel and the Palestinians, despite the President’s confident contention last week that ”We will get this done,” we probably won’t.

I’m not a pessimist just because it’s President Trump, although a negotiation requiring delicacy and sensitivity to history and culture wouldn’t seem to be his strength. But no, I’m a pessimist because all eight presidents before him— from Nixon to Obama— tried for peace themselves. Some expended more energy and intellect than others. Some came closer than others. But ultimately, all failed.

Why? Because there are core issues on each side that for practical or ideological reasons do not encourage compromise: final borders for two separate sovereign states, surefire security for each, the fate of Palestinian refugees, and the governance of Jerusalem, to which every side makes sacred claims.

When I covered the peace process, I met not only Palestinian and Israeli leaders, but Palestinian and Israeli citizens on the street. Some on both sides are practical and accept that when it comes to compromise on those core issues, something is better than nothing. But many are uncompromisingly bitter, still looking back almost 70 years to the contentious creation of the Jewish state and three all-out wars that followed, a bitterness that has been passed— on both sides— from generation to generation.

Others are impaired by more recent rancor, like Palestinian campaigns to stab, stone, and bomb Israelis, or Israel’s heavy-handed presence in the West Bank and its blockade of the Gaza Strip. And complicating everything is conflict amongst Palestinians themselves. The Hamas faction says it’s now considering a change in its charter that would define “occupiers” as its enemies rather than “Jews.” But it still won’t recognize Israel, which makes the change a non-starter. And if it still targets Israel with terror, nothing changes at all.

Furthermore, I fear that President Trump is out of his league. For one thing, because he places such faith in his son-in-law and now senior advisor Jared Kushner whom he publicly praised saying, “If you can’t produce peace in the Middle East, nobody can.” Really? But also because back in February, when Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was in Washington, President Trump spoke about prospects for peace as if they were no more complicated than prospects for another Trump Tower.

On forming one Israeli-Palestinian state versus two separate states? “I’m looking at two-state and one-state and I like the one that both parties like.” When I read that, my reaction was that the President is naive, but I checked my preconceived instinct with an unparalleled expert, Ambassador Dennis Ross, America’s envoy and negotiator in the Middle East and advisor under four presidents. His unequivocal conclusion? “The Palestinians and Arabs won’t accept less than statehood.” Yet he adds, “Israel won’t accept a Palestinian state that would threaten its security and put it at risk.” Stalemate. Sound familiar?

To succeed, Ross told me, President Trump must not establish expectations that the parties find impossible to endure. Attitudes recent years have hardened. Excessive expectations could harden them even more.

That said, beginning with his trip to Saudi Arabia and Israel later this month, President Trump is right to try. Not because he’s likely to succeed, but because it is the only way the United States can keep its place at the head of the table. Russia is banging on the door, wanting its own seat there, and if we retreat from our role as the go-to nation, you know what they say about a vacuum: someone will fill it. Russia would shape a world worse than the one we’ve got.

So I am left hoping against hope that President Trump can do what none has done before him. I wish him well. All Americans, for the sake of security in that combustible corner of the world, should wish him well.

On Trump Fans

There must be a hundred columns out there appraising President Trump’s first hundred days. Most don’t rate them well. Mine certainly wouldn’t. But this column isn’t about what I think. I emailed almost thirty conservative friends who I figured might have voted for Trump. This is about what they think. I knew I’d hit the mark when one wrote back, “Wow. I am humbled and honored that a liberal would want MY opinion. Most just want to call me stupid for voting for Trump.”

I asked everyone the same questions and the first one was, “Are you just as enthusiastic now as you were on Election Day?” The answer across the board was yes, with a few caveats. Like this one: “In my mind I didn’t vote for Donald Trump, I voted for Mike Pence— a man of character— and I voted against Hillary Clinton.” Another qualified her answer this way: “We didn’t vote for him because we loved him. We didn’t want Hillary.” Another put it bluntly: “It was as much (maybe more) about not giving the Left another four years as it was Trump.”

Others were purely positive. One said, “Trump has surrounded himself with experienced business people and I think a perspective on what is going on not only in the United States but worldwide. I think it’s also encouraging that he questions so many things” Another explained that he’s “getting more accustomed to Trump every day.”

The next question was, Do the President’s reversals on any issues bother you at all? Which got a virtually universal answer: No! One friend said, “You get to be president, reality hits you square in the face and sometimes you have to change your mind to face situations you didn’t anticipate. I’m glad that he’s willing to do that.” Another called the President’s reversals “a real plus. It hopefully gives you humility, the responsibility to be the leader for 330-million of us, not just for the 63-million who voted for him.” One justified Trump’s reversals saying, “Rhetoric meets reality.” The worst thing anyone said about any reversals was, “Yes, they bother me a little. But nothing like Obama’s long list of broken promises.”

Another question was about the President’s accomplishments: what are their favorites? One friend said, “His moves to deregulate stuff that never needed to be regulated in the first place.” Another said, “Reducing the size of a bloated government… and allowing a major buildup in our depleted military.” Another gave me a laundry list: “Getting us out of TPP, pipeline, cutting red tape, keeping jobs in the U.S., pro-Israel stance, bombing ISIS, and immigration stance… all good.” One friend is glad Trump has changed from a “lead-from-behind and apologetic strategy
back to one of U.S. leadership.” Hands down, most invoked the installation of conservative Neil Gorsuch on the Supreme Court.

I asked about the President’s personal style. If anything brought mildly negative responses, it was Trump’s tweets. One even called them “sickening,” although another admiringly called them “unfiltered Donald Trump.” Another saw value: “They’re getting his message out when the media is not.”

Finally, I asked whether Trump is growing in the job. All said yes. One credits the President’s advisors: “He’s not afraid to say, ‘These guys advise me differently than what my gut tells me but I’m going to listen to them’.” According to another, “He hasn’t tried to be the bully saying ‘It’s our way or the highway.’ That’s how he campaigned and he’s growing into the job.”

What it comes down to is, the Donald Trump I see through my lens— a President with a paucity of credibility or convictions— is not the Trump my friends see through theirs. But they’re not stupid, I respect them, and believe we all want the same virtues for our nation— security, prosperity, liberty. We just have different notions of the best ways to get there.

On North Korea

On-the-job-training to make hamburgers at White Castle? Makes sense. On-the-job training to make war or peace at the White House? Not so much.

But that’s how it’s been feeling. Exhibit A? Our President’s epiphany earlier this month when China’s president explained the facts of life about North Korea, to which the leader of the free world responded, “After listening for 10 minutes, I realized it’s not so easy.” Any of us could have told him that. (And so could the internet.) But he had to hear it from a power whose interests are almost the polar opposite of ours?

Exhibit B: Our sudden shows of strength. For the first time since he moved to the Oval Office, President Trump won bravos from both sides of the aisle when he sent a message to Syria in the form of 59 Cruise missiles. But then, before that dust had even settled, we dropped the mother of non-nuclear bombs on some caves in Afghanistan, and sent a carrier strike force (circuitously, it turns out) to the waters off North Korea.

Personally I don’t think these are bad moves. Aiming a pistol at a miscreant might modify his misbehavior without ever releasing the lock. The trouble is, given his penchant for applause, what the President is pursuing overseas— after some deflating domestic defeats— looks more like feel-good policy than foreign policy. Which might make us safer from a North Korean nuclear threat. Or it might put us in more peril.

Sure, North Korea’s fitful leader Kim Jong-un talks tough. But that’s just how he plays the game. I’ve covered rulers from the likes of Iran and Iraq and Libya and the Soviet Union who also talked tough. Old-timers will particularly recollect Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev’s warning to the United States, “We will bury you.” He didn’t. It was bluster. The man currently in the White House knows a thing or two about that.

But what he doesn’t seem to know is, while the bad guys in Syria and Afghanistan can’t effectively shoot back, North Korea can. And if you believe that crazy men sometimes do crazy things, it might. As journalist Barbara Demick points out in her insightful book “Nothing to Envy” (taken from a slogan brainwashed into every North Korean child’s head, “We have nothing to envy in this world”), North Korea’s dynasty, now in its third generation, perpetuates a permanent state of almost-war; it keeps its people scared, and loyal.

But Kim Jong-un isn’t suicidal; his only ideology is survival. He isn’t bluffing about being a nuclear threat, but he is bluffing about throwing the first punch. He won’t. Not against our allies, not against us. But if we strike first? He might see no recourse but to strike back. Not only do crazy men do crazy things, desperate men do desperate things.

China understands North Korea. The day after President Trump warned, “The problem will be taken care of,” China warned us, “If war breaks out on the Korean Peninsula, multiple parties will lose and no one will win.” The President should pay heed. The geopolitical consultancy Stratfor, which tracks “the hidden pressures on nations,” warns that “a comprehensive campaign” against North Korea “virtually guarantees full-blown war on the Korean Peninsula.”

I don’t have a splendid solution, not one that would safeguard the world against North Korean nukes. But neither does President Trump, not when you look at the awful options open to him. And neither does China, not when you look its complicated relationship with North Korea, and its dependence on North Korea as a buffer against American military might in its own sphere of influence.

We wouldn’t want to risk everything on the confidence that North Korea is all talk. But President Trump would be prudent to obey the adage, Know thine enemy. As he learned from his Chinese counterpart during that on-the-job training session, he doesn’t, yet.

On Renewable Energy

What you might already know is, America is closer to energy independence than we’ve ever been in modern times. What you might not know is, that’s thanks in part to a federally-funded lab, right here in Colorado, doing cutting-edge energy-increasing research. So it’s a shock that in the President’s proposed budget, it is on the chopping block.

Of course if you don’t want better gas mileage and cheaper electricity and more efficient buildings and sustainable sources of energy that will never melt away (not to mention the economic impact of what Fortune Magazine measures as more than four million renewable energy jobs), it doesn’t much matter. But like it or not, our fossil fuels won’t last forever. Renewables— sun, wind, biomass, hydropower, and others— they’ll be around as long as we live, and beyond. Which is why research at the National Renewable Energy Lab in Golden— you can see it against the mesa, just north of I-70— does matter. It’s a story of public-private partnerships.

Take cars, for example. Since its formation 40 years ago, NREL has partnered with most of the big automakers, including America’s Big Three. These private companies, strapped for research & development money, give their vehicles to the federal lab to work with, looking for innovative efficiencies. Out of that, for one example, came the first production-feasible hybrids. For another, they’re experimenting to extract more than the 20% of gasoline’s power that we get from gas today.

Solar energy? Same story. Private industry makes incremental improvements in the efficiency and flexibility of solar panels. But NREL’s scientific braintrust has developed what its Director Martin Keller calls “the game-changers,” creating new materials at the cellular level. For example, with components that absorb different frequencies of sunlight and convert them to energy, they have produced panels that soak up more than 40% of the sun’s power, versus 5%-10% before. They cost less and last longer too. Eventually this should bring the solar supply chain back from China.

And wind? Well, take a look next door: wind provides more than 20% of the energy they use in Kansas. Those huge wind turbines (what we laymen call windmills) off Highway 93 between Golden and Boulder, some almost 300 feet tall, are not a commercial wind farm. They are NREL’s test tract, placed there because gusts run up to 120mph. The turbines take a beating. Partnering with the biggest U.S.-based manufacturer, General Electric, and others, NREL is experimenting with everything from composite materials in the blades, to spacing between the towers, to the irksome issue of noise (they are studying the quiet flight of owls). GE alone couldn’t necessarily scale new heights to extend the turbines’ power generation and lifespan. With NREL, it can.

I took the monthly public tour at NREL and a highlight is its main three-wing building. It’s a laboratory of energy efficiency, a model for builders. More south-facing glass than north-facing, horizontal and vertical louvres to maximize or minimize sunlight, windows that lighten or darken with the sun, motion sensors to save electricity, underground concrete columns that carry the earth’s geothermic temperatures into the system that heats and cools workers’ cubicles. Hewlett-Packard and Intel built a water-cooled supercomputer, from which NREL then circulates the super-heated water, saving a million dollars a year.

A letter-writer to The Post last week wondered where we’d be today if cellphone research in the 1990s had been cut and developers just tried to make old rotary phones better. That’s what we’re talking about now with renewable energy. We can accept incremental improvement, or insist on innovation. That’s not quixotic, it’s practical.

NREL is a national asset. And by attracting top-flight scientific talent— 2,100 people work there— it’s a Colorado asset. Every member of Congress should oppose these budget cuts. Especially the members from Colorado. As NREL Director Keller told me, if money runs short, “The next big innovations will happen in other countries.” Hear that, President Trump?

On Neil Gorsuch

When it comes to the Senate clash over Coloradan Neil Gorsuch, I’d love to keep another ideological conservative off the Court. And I’d love to exact a cost for the hypocrisy of our congressional leaders. I’d love the pleasure of payback for the unprincipled Republican refusal to even review President Obama’s own nominee for the same vacancy last year. I’d also love to see how Donald Trump tweets his way out of another defeat.

But not this way. Not by escalating a partisan arms race that could put our lawmakers farther than ever from detente, let alone real rapprochement. As Colorado’s senator Michael Bennet said this week in outspokenly opposing a filibuster of the nomination by his fellow Democrats, it takes the Senate in “the wrong direction.”

Heaven knows, the Senate has been headed the wrong way for years. Not necessarily its policies, but its procedures. Senators abide by their traditions when it suits them and adulterate them when it doesn’t. They have been paralyzed by their politics. This showdown threatens to make the paralysis permanent.

Who’s going to prevent it? Not people who think like the executive director of the National Abortion and Reproductive Rights Action League in Colorado, Karen Middleton, who opposes the Gorsuch nomination and was quoted Tuesday in The Denver Post saying, “We agree with Sen. Bennet that Washington is broken, but you do not fix it by rewarding bad behavior and further weakening the institution.”

I’m on her side with women’s rights but on this Gorsuch issue she’s got it wrong. The warning ought to be, you don’t repay bad behavior with more bad behavior. That just weakens the institution even further and, much worse, it weakens the country.

True, when Republicans took the low road a year ago on President Obama’s Supreme Court nomination, they scaled new heights of hypocrisy. Had they shown any honor, we wouldn’t be having this conversation. But when Democrats have held the gavel, their hands haven’t been clean either. So a pox on both their houses. They are more invested in party and politics than in people and progress. More gets stopped in Congress than what gets started. It’s like the parties live on different planets. And we— who expect our elected officials to make and maintain an ever-better American society— are their victims.

Some of us are old enough to remember the cliché of Republican President Ronald Reagan and Democratic House speaker Tip O’Neil, foes by day, then friends over bourbon and poker at night. On the calendar, it’s not all that long ago, but in today’s painfully partisan environment, it is an ancient era.

Someone has to take a stand. Someone has to point us back in that almost forgotten direction. It has often been the case that when a President proposed someone for the Supreme Court, the opposition party found the prospect philosophically unpalatable. But for a long time, that wasn’t a disqualifier. If the nominee was legally and ethically qualified, confirmation was granted.

The Republicans took the low road last year and pummeled those principles. The Democrats can take the low road now, filibustering and perpetuating the paralysis. Or they can take the high road and consider the nominee on his merits. And if the Democrats take the low road, the Republicans can stay low and “go nuclear,” abolishing the filibuster and ending the debate. Or they can abide by a Senate tradition that has helped keep this country’s constitutional conflicts in check.

Yes, everything from gay rights to abortion rights to workers’ rights are on the line. But it seems that something of even greater import is also on the line, without which those rights may be moot: the distinction between reasonable rivalries and unappeasable enemies, the difference between governance and gridlock.

Maybe that’s what Senator Bennet meant when he said, “We need to take the long view.” It’s not about ideology, it’s not about payback, it’s not about Trump. And it isn’t about the United States Senate. It’s about the United States itself.

On Baseball

Today is major league baseball’s Opening Day.

On this same day 40 years ago, a crotchety correspondent named Harry Reasoner, the anchorman at my network, ended our evening newscast with a commentary about the national pastime. His final words spoke volumes: “Baseball isn’t baseball without a hot dog in front of it.”

In other words, it’s about more than just the game.

Friday afternoon, this season’s home opener at Coors Field, I’ll watch baseball the way Harry wanted us to: amid a crowd of fanatical fellow fans, and a team with a shot at the World Series (everyone’s a contender on Opening Day), and a hot dog in front of it.

Of course a lot has changed in those 40 years, including the hot dog. Nowadays it comes with a comprehensive collection of frou-frou condiments— I tried the frou-frou version once myself but when I squeezed the bun to take a bite, half of it ended up in my lap. Friday, I’ll just have what Harry had in mind: the dog, the bun, some old-fashioned yellow mustard, period.

And how about the bigger changes since Harry’s day! For starters, if anyone mentioned the Colorado Rockies back then, they meant the mountains. And even when major league baseball gave Denver its franchise 25 years ago, the team, the game, the nation, were a far cry from what we have today.

We’d never heard of al Qaeda or the Islamic State. Nor Monica Lewinsky. Nor the iPhone. Nor, mercifully, much about Donald Trump.

Of course we’d also never heard of the players who populated our brand new baseball team. Expansion clubs like the Rockies had to pick from other clubs’ rejects. But from the moment a reject named Eric Young became the first Rockie to take the plate in Colorado and swatted a 3-2 pitch into the left-field stands, the record-setting 80,227 of us who scored a seat never forgot “E.Y.” Nor his only other home run of the season— on closing day. Three hitters later in that first inning ever, fellow reject Andres Galarraga propelled his pitch into the stands, just feet from where E.Y.’s had come down. The first of his 22 homers that inaugural year. We never forgot “The Big Cat” either.

But eventually the Rockies forgot us. They sold or traded the E.Y.s and the Galarragas we’d learned to love. They scrimped and saved and put the ball club in baseball’s basement. In the good old days, fan favorites were family— Mickey Mantle, Joe DiMaggio, Stan Musial, Sandy Koufax, they played their entire careers for a single team; Hank Aaron and Willie Mays nearly the same. But the rules of the game off the field had changed, and our revered, rehabilitated rejects moved on.

Today, union contracts mandate that even the least gifted player earns over half-a-million bucks, minimum. The most gifted? Rockies outfielder Carlos Gonzalez this year will pull down $20,000,000 for punching out pitches and pulling down fly balls. By comparison, Mantle and DiMaggio were the first Yankees ever to earn six-figure salaries.

And if some impatient baseball executives have their way, the rules on the field will change. Less time between innings, less time between pitches, less time out of the batter’s box. They call these proposals “pace of game.” Geez, let’s just call it “baseball” and leave it alone. You know what these changes would save in a typical nine-inning contest? Five minutes, ten at most. Don’t make the game something it isn’t.

What I love about baseball is what it is: the only game with virtually no constraints from the clock, a slow game where you can see every ball and follow every player and track every move they make. A game with no substitute on a sunny day or a summer night. A game meant to be watched with a humble hot dog in front of it.

On Self-proclaimed Populist Parties

We should be alert, maybe even afraid. Even from thousands of miles away. Because Europe’s self-proclaimed populist parties are on the rise.

The “National Democratic Party of Germany,” “Law and Justice” in Poland, Austria’s “Freedom Party,” the Dutch “Party for Freedom,” the “National Front” in France, and others. “National,” “Justice,” “Freedom.” They’re all synonyms for “racist.”

And if you think their rising popularity has nothing to do with us, you’re wrong.

I don’t just mean wrong to miss the parallels to our politics with their incendiary appeals to people’s bigotry and racism—some covert, some overt, all odious.

I mean wrong if you don’t perceive their potential impact on alliances that European nations now have with us. Alliances that protect our prosperity, that ensure our security, that influence our independence.

What you should see is that Europe’s right-wing parties have several common goals. One is to diminish or even dismantle the European Union, which taken as a whole is our largest trading partner in the world. Another is to downgrade, maybe even disengage, from their nations’ traditionally warm ties to the United States and cozy up instead to Russia.

What you should comprehend is that when it comes to their principles and Russian President Putin’s, prejudice is a shared value. Which helps explain why Putin has been funding these parties with the almost conspicuous aim of propelling them toward power (see any parallels here?) and tilting their nations’ alliances in his direction, not ours. He’d like nothing better than to see Europe’s pro-American unity, or at least what’s left of it, unravel.

If these parties weren’t growing, it wouldn’t matter. In all the years I lived in Europe, most scored only single-digit support in national elections. France’s National Front sometimes claimed around 20% of the vote, but it never climbed higher.

That was then, this is now. Politicians peddling nationalism are playing on people’s fears (remind you of anyone we know?). The picture is changing. Fast.

Earlier this month in the traditionally tolerant Netherlands, the extremist Party for Freedom became the second biggest party in parliament. Next month in France, the presumptive front-runner in the first round of presidential elections is the National Front’s leader Marine Le Pen, daughter of the party’s openly racist founder (who dismisses the Nazi gas chambers as “a detail of history”). Her recent message to illegal immigrants: “Play time is over.” After elections in Germany later this year, many predict that a newly right-leaning parliament will cast out Chancellor Angela Merkel, the most American-oriented leader in Europe.

Here at home, similar sentiments are sinking in. One offensive example: Iowa congressman Steve King, who once called immigration a “slow-motion Holocaust,” two weeks ago tweeted (in a message applauding the Dutch Freedom Party), “We can’t restore our civilization with somebody else’s babies.” You know it’s a revolting remark when it produces plaudits from former KKK Imperial Wizard David Duke and from the neo-Nazi website The Daily Stormer. And judging from torched churches and toppled tombstones and people shot because they simply look Islamic, it seems that Congressman King is not the only one in this country who plainly feels newly empowered.

I will not draw a parallel to Nazi Germany. That would belittle the murders of millions. But I will say, people in pre-war Europe saw signs of peril in the polemics of Germany’s leader, but they dismissed them. They heard malevolence but didn’t know it was strategy. They saw revolt but didn’t know it was reckoning. They observed outrage but didn’t realize it was
evil. Not until it was too late to matter.

Thanks to our beloved liberties and our constitutional protections and the simple goodness in our DNA, I don’t think we are going that way. Not toward tyranny, not toward totalitarianism. But then, neither did they.

On Trump’s Budget Proposal

“Pick your battles wisely.” As parents it’s a discipline we try to practice. And a lesson we try to teach our kids.

No one taught President Trump.

In the budget he proposed late last week, he would boost military spending by $54 billion. That’s a roughly 10-percent hike. True, it’s not unwise to have the most modern military in the world. To the contrary, it’s an imperative. But we’re reinforcing it to go into battle against whom? The Chinese, with their single second-hand rebuilt aircraft carrier? (We have ten.) Against Russia, with its 775,000-man military? (We have a million-and-a-half.)

Inarguably, we need both offensive and defensive capabilities, and the flexibility to fight in more than one war at once. But that’s precisely what we’ve been doing, and no hostile country has caught us off-guard and attacked our homeland. As my momma taught me, money doesn’t grow on trees. With a military budget that’s as big as the next six to nine nations combined (statistics vary), we already have enough.

Furthermore, President Trump’s budget flies in the face of some very sage advice— to which I can attest from my many years covering news overseas— from his own Secretary of Defense, General James Mattis, who appreciates the strategic value of foreign aid and diplomacy as a peaceful weapon against war. Mattis has said, “If you don’t fund the State Department fully, then I need to buy more ammunition.” But General Mattis wasted his breath. Cuts to the State Department come to 28%.

Anyway, our military fights battles overseas to protect our quality of life. Here at home we fight battles to improve it. Which the President’s budget would undercut.

Like the battle against sickness and disease. Trump would slash nearly $6 billion from the National Institutes of Health. That’s where most cancer drugs get their start. And heart disease, our leading cause of death? As the president of the American Heart Association put it when he saw the cuts, “You can save $6 billion today and spend $1 trillion down the road.”

Or the battle against poverty. Such as heating assistance for low-income families that in wintertime have to choose between heat and nutrition. And college opportunity grants, without which poor people stay stuck in low-income jobs. And “Meals on Wheels” for homebound seniors; one asked on CNN, “How else would I eat?” I ask, how much more poverty and homelessness can we handle? A congressman called these proposed cuts “draconian, careless, and counterproductive.” And he’s a fellow Republican.

Then there’s the battle against pollution. Pollution is a bi-partisan problem. The president proposes to make it worse, taking a truncheon to purer water and cleaner air and more efficient cars and finishing off Superfund sites around the country. And triggering an anti-science small-minded stoppage of research into climate change.

For most of the President’s cuts, there is no alternative to replace them.

So maybe we should focus instead on the man himself, and the battles he picks, and I’ll begin with this advice: if, at the end of the budget process Mr. President, you find a few discretionary bucks left over, spend them on a dictionary.

Maybe then you will learn that “wiretap” does not mean “a lot of different things” as you claimed last week like a rat running from the poison. “Wiretap” means “wiretap.” Period.

And maybe you’ll learn that even if President Obama had surveilled your Trump Tower, that wouldn’t define “McCarthyism” as you called it. McCarthyism is making mad accusations about opponents without a particle of proof. Sound familiar?

Maybe you will even learn that the “alternative facts” which you and your staff revel in fabricating have an undebatable definition that any English dictionary will confirm: “fiction.”

You want to talk about fighting battles? The biggest battle we face is surviving the shameful priorities and appalling behavior of this president.

On Parking Fees and How Much More Do You Need?

What are they thinking? At the Cherry Creek shopping mall, they’re charging us now to park.

Nice. Really nice. “Come on in, throw a few hundred bucks at a new pair of shoes at Nordstrom, drop by the Apple Store for the latest $700 iSomething, go for the gold with a $7,500 bracelet at Tiffany, then celebrate your spending spree with a beautiful bone-in cut of roast prime rib for $57 at the 801 Chophouse.”

“And oh, by the way, hand over another few bucks before you drive out. Just for the privilege of having been here.”

I’ve been here before. I don’t mean the mall. I mean the madness of bleeding every last buck out of blue-chip customers just because you can.

It was at Vail, where I ski. Although lift ticket prices back in ancient times weren’t even in the triple digits (whereas a one-day ticket today can cost you $189), the price of parking already was in the double digits and that irritated me because Vail’s message was like the mall’s: “Come on up, spend lots of money on our slopes and in our stores and eat and drink and be merry and at the end of your deliriously delightful day, shell out even more just to get your car out of hock.”

The town already was making millions from an upscale clientele of tourists and locals, so I wrote a letter, complaining about parking prices and explaining that I was protesting the principle, not the payment. Someone tone-deaf wrote back, enclosing a coupon for one day of free parking.

To be fair, Cherry Creek still has free parking… for an hour. After that though, since mid-January, you now must pay, up to a daily max of $16. True, that’s almost the cheapest deal at the mall, but think about this: it used to be that even with free parking, you couldn’t get out of Cherry Creek mall without dropping a small fortune. Now the fortune’s bigger.

I won’t say the scheme is stupid— the mall’s entitled, it’s a business, just like the retail businesses that fill it. But it’s off-putting. Annoying. Unfriendly. And tenants in the mall (a few of which pay to validate your parking) seem to agree. One store owner told The Denver Post that his business is so far down since paid parking appeared, it is a “total disaster.” I know someone who recently shopped there, then met friends for dinner, then had to cough up another $10 for parking. No validation. She says she won’t soon go back.

Cherry Creek’s explanation for squeezing a few more bucks out of us is “to make sure customers have the best possible experience. This includes having easy access to parking and entrance to the shopping center.” Only one flaw here: even with the growth of the surrounding neighborhood, we already had easy access. Now what we have is easy costly access. Another friend points out in Cherry Creek’s defense that they’ve “added value” by installing a system of lights that tells you where the next open parking spot is. They should have done that anyway but left it free.

If parking is pivoting from an imperative convenience to an add-on profit center, why should they stop at charging us to park? They could also charge us for other conveniences, like resting our weary bones on their benches and discarding our garbage in their decorative bins. They could install pay toilets— heaven knows shoppers spend enough time in the mall, that would make their coffers flush.

Denver touts Cherry Creek as “the largest concentration of stores between St. Louis and San Francisco.” That’s why it’s usually (although to me, still inexplicably) a top tourist attraction here, which makes it one of the city’s jewels. But if the stores’ revenues drop, quality will follow. The jewel won’t be so shiny. That would be lose-lose. Paid parking isn’t worth it.

On Freedom of the Press

I am an enemy of the people. For all the “presidential” promise some perceived in last week’s teleprompter-smooth speech to Congress, that didn’t change.

I guess I always was an enemy of the people, even when covering the revolution in Iran so Americans would know what was going on in that critical country, as a mob with machetes chased my camera crew and me, and I was beaten at an Islamic cemetery, and had a colleague killed right next to me. He must have been an enemy of the people too.

I also apparently was an enemy of the people when I barely made it over a shard-encrusted wall during a firefight between murderous militias in Beirut, while another colleague wasn’t so lucky and died scrawling the names of his children in his own blood. Another enemy of the people, no doubt.

I must have been an enemy of the people when I waded through dioxin-laced mud to report on the legacy of Agent Orange in Vietnam, and when my crew and I had to hotfoot it from gunmen in the Colombian jungle during a raid-gone-bad in the war on drugs.

Obviously I was an enemy of the people when I got death threats from an American arms dealer I tracked down in Libya, and when I lived for a week in a room running with rats and cockroaches during the war to oust tyrant Idi Amin from Uganda, and when I laid for hours in a swamp aside a runway measuring Soviet air power during their invasion of Afghanistan, and when I slept on desert sands with scorpions all around during the Gulf War.

So the American people would know what was going on.

Then there’s Daniel Pearl, beheaded in Pakistan. And James Foley, who lost his head in Syria. And Marie Colvin, blown apart by shells there. More enemies in our midst.

Apparently by the lights of President Trump, we who leave our families and deal with despicable despots and risk our lives to bring America news about its enemies are now the enemies ourselves.

Trump complains that when he attacks journalists, “They always bring up the First Amendment.” How frustrating that must be for someone who can’t stomach criticism but, because of the Constitution, can’t abolish it. The fact is, this is part of the media’s role: to expose anything from a public official’s incurious ignorance to his malicious misrepresentations to his polarizing polemics to his flat-out lies.

Donald Trump doesn’t have a clue. He has the most easily offended ego on Earth, but he doesn’t have a clue. No surprise, perhaps, for a guy who once pathetically professed that he gets his information— on military issues, foreign affairs, etc.— “from the shows” (although he’s sometimes too busy for daily intel briefings). We do know from his tweets that he follows the news though; it keeps him up at night.

But oh, he does have weapons to use against the enemy. Like barring his least favorite news organizations (and thus their audiences) from White House briefings. And “opening up our libel laws so we can sue them and win lots of money.” And inhibiting an indispensable tool: the use of “confidential” sources that has exposed everything from the crimes of Watergate to the false premises of the Iraq War. He demands, “They shouldn’t be allowed to use sources unless they use somebody’s name.” Ironic, coming from a guy who perpetuated the Obama “birther” myth and pinned it on “an extremely credible source.”

Disliking journalists who aren’t his sycophants is one thing. Discrediting them is another. But as he has with judges, intelligence officials, and political critics of any color, President Trump is doing his best to make the media into an enemy of the people. “A great danger to our country” is how he describes us. “We’re going to do something about it.” That is the language you hear from leaders in dictatorships, not democracies.

If Donald Trump called us the enemy of the people only once, that would be Trump being Trump. But it wasn’t just once. If this thin-skinned president succeeds in stifling a free press, then he is the enemy of the people. Not us.

On the Legalization of Marijuana

We were the first… although it didn’t last long. We voted to legalize recreational marijuana here in Colorado more than four years ago, as did the State of Washington (but our law took effect before theirs). Recreational marijuana now is legal in eight states and Washington DC, and will be on the next election day ballot in several more. (Medical marijuana, by the way, is legal in 28 states now, more than half.)

So the cat’s out of the bag. Or you’d think so anyway. But late last week the President’s spokesman Sean Spicer declared that the Trump Administration will try to stuff it back in, announcing that since marijuana is still illegal under federal law, “I do believe you will see greater enforcement of it.”

Four years ago I’d have said hallelujah. I voted against legalization. From what I’d seen over the years, supported by some studies, for the vast majority of users marijuana might be just a stress-reducer, a relaxant, even an effective sleep-aid, but for some it is a stepping stone to harder drugs.

But my side lost. And in retrospect, that’s fine.

For the record, Colorado was woefully unprepared when we stepped into the uncharted waters of legal recreational marijuana. We lacked such basic guidelines as a DUI standard, and clear labeling about marijuana’s potency, and healthy growing rules, and safe recommended doses in marijuana’s edible forms. In the saddest case of the state’s shortsightedness, early this month Richard Kirk, a Denver family man, pleaded guilty to second-degree murder for shooting his wife in 2014 after consuming marijuana-infused candy he had legally bought. He has lost his three children and faces up to 30 years behind bars.

But those issues, those inadequacies in law and policy, have been addressed. In fact, state officials including Governor Hickenlooper are called upon as experts to share the Colorado experience with other states either stepping into these waters themselves, or thinking about it. Colorado has invented the wheel. There is no reason for others to reinvent it.

What we now tell others is, although the learning curve was painful, marijuana usage hasn’t dramatically increased since legalization, not even among teenagers. According to the state’s Retail Marijuana Public Health Advisory Committee, only about six-percent of Coloradans even use marijuana on a daily or near-daily basis.

Also for the record, a significant portion of Coloradans who voted for legalization weren’t looking to use marijuana themselves. They supported legalization because they saw it as a boon for the economy. Not just jobs, but taxes. And they were right. In a recent report, The Denver Post said that our state “recorded $1.3 billon in medical and recreational cannabis sales in 2016.” Two-thirds of that was recreational. Tax revenue last year, which is based on the price of every purchase, was about $200 million. With shortfalls at the statehouse for everything from schools to roads to healthcare, that’s nothing to sneeze at.

The bottom line? If I knew then what I know now, in 2012 I might have voted to legalize. Which brings us back to the federal government.

The President has been pretty consistent when it comes to states’ rights. Of course that’s his rationale for stripping away sensible federal systems that protect the quality of environmental safety and accessible healthcare and public education. But it also locks him into respecting the decree of states that have legalized recreational marijuana.

However, Attorney General Jeff Sessions, who ultimately must choose between enforcement of federal law and benign neglect, is an outspoken opponent of legal marijuana. He should study a brand new Quinnipiac poll showing almost ¾ of Americans opposed to a federal crackdown, on top of a fairly successful experience here in Colorado, as well as the near-certainty that a crackdown will invigorate a treacherous black market.

He will have a fight on his hands if he, and President Trump, try to go against the people’s will. The cat’s already out of the bag.

On President Trump

People told me when I first panned our new President, give him a hundred days.

I’m sorry, I tried, but he has been so rash, so reckless, we don’t need a hundred days. Thirty has been enough. Thirty has felt like a hundred.

So where are we after just thirty days of President Trump?

First, because he has shown such simplistic shortsightedness on overseas policy, he already has deepened the threats we face, not diminished them. Pulling out of the Trans Pacific Partnership is sending hard-earned Pacific Rim allies flying from our economic embrace into China’s. Trade wars now in the works from China to Mexico can raise our prices, not reduce them. Signaling weaker support for NATO nations in Europe (while still inexplicably but consistently coddling President Putin) might incent more Russian aggression against Western-leaning nations, not inhibit it. Irresponsible insults against long-established allies could discourage them from joining American campaigns when we need them, not draw them closer. And Trump’s still-likely Muslim travel ban? As a recruiting tool, it’s God’s gift to terrorists.

Domestically, we already are on course to be more poorly protected from industrial pollution and financial manipulation and religious politicization and maybe even racial justice. Trump has endeavored to undermine the indispensable independence of the judiciary and demonize the irreplaceable role of the media. His autocratic approach to jobs ultimately might make industry more automated and less competitive. The “Wall,” according to Homeland Security, is up to $21-Billion and now we’re the ones who’ll pay for it. And so far at least, millions who finally have health insurance face a return to the ranks of the uninsured.

Already, after just 30 days, that is the President’s legacy. As he himself might say, SAD.

But the problems with this president go beyond policy. Far beyond. They go to his personality. He promised he’d be presidential. That too proves to be an empty pledge. He still is petulant, pugnacious, petty, and impetuous. Yes, the President of the United States. For whom the truth is a lie and a lie is the truth.

Releasing those tax returns to see if he’s really the bountiful benefactor he claims he is? Now he says, not gonna happen. Truly separating himself from the fate of his family’s fortune? One word: Nordstrom. Exhibiting esteem for federal law? Not from what Trump told us Thursday at his news conference, that General Michael Flynn speaking about sanctions with the Russian ambassador before Trump took office “wasn’t wrong.” Yes it was.

He also declared that day, “This administration is running like a fine-tuned machine.” That’s especially scary against last week’s warning by the General running our military’s Special Ops Command that the government is in “unbelievable turmoil.” Our reality TV President is divorced from reality, making his counterfeit claim in the wake of a week when his Muslim ban was rebuffed by four federal judges, and he had to fire his dishonest National Security Advisor, and his preferred successor for National Security Advisor turned him down, and he couldn’t get the votes to confirm his Labor Secretary-designate, and he resorted yet again to Twitter to trash American intelligence. That’s some “fine-tuned machine.”

Which leads to Team Trump. Forget Kellyanne Conway’s “alternative facts” (once defined as “fiction”) or Stephen Bannon’s mandate for the media to “keep its mouth shut” (once defined as “Russian”). Those almost pale next to senior advisor Stephen Miller’s proclamation on Face the Nation that “the powers of the president… will not be questioned.” As comedian Seth Meyers observed, “The only way that statement could be more terrifying is if he yelled it in German.”

After 30 days, we already know our president confuses his ego-fed feelings for facts. And still goes vindictively ballistic over small slights. And loves to shake things up without knowing where the pieces will fall. If we find ourselves in a real crisis and must rely on this President’s word and judgment, how will we know that this time he’s got it right?

On American Protest

Those rioters in Berkeley earlier this month, like the ones last month on Inauguration Day in Washington DC, don’t speak for me. They shattered windows and set fires and destroyed property and attacked police. Theirs were lawless rampages, not peaceful protests. They should pay the price for their crimes.

But unless you count crowds like Donald Trump counts crowds, those rioters were a small segment of larger and otherwise non-violent protests, one against Trump and the other against a Trump acolyte. Which is why it maddened me when a conservative friend told me in an email that my party is “in concert with rioters, anarchists, and terrorists.”

No. They don’t act for me. Or for my party. Asserting otherwise is specious. But the sentiment is spreading.

Recently there was a story here in The Denver Post headlined, “Protests prompt states to pursue crackdown.” Although thankfully there was no case in Colorado, it was about Republican legislators in statehouses elsewhere across the country who are backing bills to regulate dissent. If dissent leads to destruction, I’m all for it. But some of these proposals go too far.

Like the ones in Iowa and Minnesota that would criminalize the act of blocking traffic in the course of a public protest. Or the one in Washington State which would criminalize demonstrations that disrupt businesses or shut down streets. Or the one in Michigan which would stiffen the fine for protestors who “interfere with business or the enjoyment of one’s home.” Or the one in Missouri, which would make any protest illegal if demonstrators hide their identity with masks. Or get this: a proposal in North Dakota would acquit “negligent” drivers from criminal charges if they hit demonstrators who are blocking a road.

Protest is an upshot of our liberties. Protest is an American tradition. Had it been illegal a hundred years ago, the women who rallied for the right to vote might never have won the Nineteenth Amendment. Had it been illegal fifty years ago, the blacks who demonstrated for civil rights (including Congressman John Lewis, who President Trump called “all talk no action” despite his fractured skull in Selma) might still be forbidden to take a drink from water fountains labeled “Whites Only,” let alone from exercising their right to vote. Had protest been illegal, President Lyndon Johnson might never have stepped down for reelection and Richard Nixon might never have agreed to get us out of Vietnam.

Or put the shoe on the other foot. Once during a demonstration against the dearth of human rights in the Soviet Union, I watched dissidents in Moscow bundled off by the KGB and charged with “destruction of public property.” Their crime? Placing their feet in a flower bed (which, being December, was nothing but a mire of mud). Or, do you remember the protestors in Baghdad after the U.S. overthrew Saddam Hussein who famously toppled his massive statue? If you had been in charge, would you have had them arrested?

Peaceful protest, which sometimes impedes the tide of traffic and sometimes disrupts the flow of business, is a tactic of both sides in public disputes. For every pro-choice demonstrator, whether in front of the Supreme Court or City Hall, there’s a pro-life demonstrator. For every gun control demonstrator there’s a gun rights demonstrator. For everyone campaigning for gay rights, there’s someone crusading for family values.

Protests pretty obviously get under Donald Trump’s skin. Despite settled law when it comes to our constitutionally protected freedom of expression, he has called for jail time, even revocation of citizenship, for the appalling but legal act of burning an American flag. It seems that Trump’s tyrannical temperament has empowered some state legislators too.

It’s one thing to permanently destroy people’s property and indelibly disrupt their lives. It’s another to simply cause temporary inconvenience. Only the thin-skinned would go beyond the laws we already have to regulate dissent.

On Land Development

If the utopian side of me had its way, I would stop every construction site in its tracks. Just leave the land alone, don’t block my views, give me some space to breathe.

But the sensible side of me says, hopefully someone would stop me. Hopefully someone would say, we just can’t do that. Not when somebody has lawfully bought the land. Not when the venture won’t manifestly debase our lives. Not when an economy has to grow if it’s not to die.

That’s why the Jefferson County commissioners, already having decided to alter the impact of a controversial commercial development proposed near an area off C-470 known as Dinosaur Ridge, tomorrow morning ought to give a modified model the go-ahead. Something’s going to be built there; existing zoning allows it. Compromises the commissioners already extracted might be as good as they’re going to get.

The arguments against a development there— any development— are that it would put traffic where now there is none. And add light pollution. And noise. But that paints it black and white and it’s not. We’re talking about acreage near an interchange along one of the busiest highways in metro-Denver. Not far, to boot, from Bandimere Speedway and a dirt-bike motocross course. There’s already noise, there’s already light, there’s already traffic. Simply put, this is not Red Rocks or Colorado Springs’ Garden of the Gods. It’s not Boulder’s Flat Irons or Denver’s Confluence Park. It’s not an isolated and iconic piece of land.

Yes, as The Post described it a couple of weeks ago, it is “in the shadow of a nationally recognized treasure trove of dinosaur bones and tracks” and I don’t minimize that. To be sure though, it’s a half mile from the fossils. They’ve been there for 150 million years. They are protected by both the feds and the state. They won’t be covered over or taken away.

I don’t know co-developer Greg Stevinson well, but I do know his history in Jefferson County because for 21 years he was on the board of Jeffco Open Space, 16 as its chair. It is the best open space program in metro-Denver, arguably one of the best in the country. This is a guy with a good record protecting the environment where it needed protecting. If a private piece of land inevitably is to be developed, I’d rather it be done by someone who has shown some sensitivity to the surroundings.

Moreover, the county government still will have some say over the shape of whatever goes up. Particularly since it has been so caught up in controversy. If they give it their thumbs-up, they can keep those thumbs on the final product. If they care about what’s being built, it’s more likely to be suitable for the site. When officials don’t… well, you get an out-of-place mutation like the 35-story apartments that now dwarf everything else at Confluence Park.

I believe in property rights, as long as they don’t infringe on other rights. This wouldn’t. I believe in economic growth, as long as it helps local communities. This would. I believe in compromise, as long as each side gets something in the bargain. So far, they will.

Compromise back in the 1980s gave us the final fourteen miles of I-70 through gorgeous Glenwood Canyon. Highway planners had fought to pave their way through. Environmentalists had fought to keep the interstate out. Ultimately everyone agreed to a set of rules: restrict construction crews to the narrowest possible footprint to preserve the abutting canyon walls, catalogue and eventually replant every tree and bush that wasn’t in the footprint of the freeway itself, put local hues into the concrete’s color, and more. The result? One remarkable road.

One of the benefits of growing older is, the sky isn’t falling, even though it once looked like it might.

On Trump and Truth

Back when I occasionally covered the Soviet Union for ABC News, I sat twice a day in our Moscow bureau with an English-speaking Russian woman who worked for us.

In the morning she’d read to me, translating stories into English from Pravda, the official newspaper of the Communist Party, pretty much the only newspaper people could read if they wanted to stay on the good side of their government.

In the evening, she’d translate as we watched the dinner-hour newscast on Central Television of the USSR, also completely controlled by the government and, yes, pretty much the only source of TV news.

Not that I needed much translating. When it came to news from the United States, there was a dependable diet of deception that rarely changed. One day it was about homelessness in America, complete with pictures of people sleeping on sidewalks. Another day it was about crime in America, with pictures of bloody corpses abandoned on sidewalks. Another day it was about corruption in America, yet another about unemployment, then another about the uninsured. When they had run through all the usual suspects, they recycled it.

They didn’t paint a very pretty picture of our country. Which was a contrast to the picture they always painted of their own utopian society where crime and corruption and everything else bad didn’t exist. It was meant to encourage their citizens to believe, they had nothing to envy about us.

The most egregious misrepresentation was about American presidents. None was ever depicted as just an ordinary guy in a suit. Rather, he was always the devil, spitting venom and breathing fire and creating fear and loathing in all who laid eyes on him. Believe it or not, most Soviet citizens had never just seen an unadulterated picture of a U.S. president.

Until one bitterly cold and snowy November day when I was in Moscow, and across the street from our office, despite the weather, people were pressed up against the plate glass windows of a government-owned shop that sold TVs. It was 1985, and General Secretary Gorbachev and President Reagan were in Switzerland for their first-ever summit. In the spirit of Glasnost, Gorbachev’s unprecedented policy meaning “openness,” the summit was broadcast live in the Soviet Union, where citizens for the first time ever could see that the American president was, well, just an ordinary guy— with a mile-wide smile— in a suit.

I thought of all this last weekend when President Trump’s press secretary Sean Spicer held his first briefing for reporters at the White House. What an opportunity! But despite the pile of consequential challenges facing our new president, Spicer addressed only one subject: the size of the crowds that turned out for Trump’s inauguration, which reports had asserted were smaller than they had been for President Obama’s.

Spicer did his bombastic boss’s bidding, claiming that Trump had “the largest audience to ever witness the inauguration. Period. Both in person and around the globe.” Although the next day Spicer took many questions, that day the press secretary ignored the press’s questions, and left.

Now put aside for a moment (as Mr. Spicer did) the fact that every metric for measuring crowds— photos and videos, television ratings, even the numbers of riders on the Washington Metro— confirmed that Trump’s were smaller than Obama’s. That’s not the important issue here.

The important issue is, Trump and his team already, albeit unsurprisingly, are showing signs of authoritarian hypersensitivity— even teeing up “alternative facts”— chillingly close to what I used to see in Moscow. It’s as if they are channeling George Orwell, in whose novel 1984 history is falsified to fortify the leader. Or maybe the Marx Brothers with their famous movie line, “Who are you going to believe, me or your own eyes?”

These are sinister signs. These are scary times. Especially if you treasure the truth.

On Trump’s Inauguration

President Trump. Personally, I have trouble saying those two words in a single sentence.

But I tried to watch his Inauguration speech on Friday with an open mind. And came away oddly impressed.

Unlike Trump’s typical tone of a 9th-grade bully, his theme from the Capitol was harmonious, not divisive. His words were articulate, if not the soaring stuff of Reaganesque inspiration. And it was all about vision, not ego. Our new president only three times said “I,” while much more often uttering “we.” Not that it’s a very high bar to reach but Trump sounded more presidential than he ever has before.

Oh that it should last. Oh that Trump can win us “great schools, safe neighborhoods, good jobs.” As I’ve often preached, we all want the same things; we just have different notions of the best ways to get there. Trump called our common goals “just and reasonable demands.” He’s right.

But what I can’t shake is, is he committed? After all, there were sections of the speech that seemed downright antithetical to how the man has always operated. Like saying that as a nation we should follow two rules: “Buy American and hire American.” As we know, Trump himself hasn’t operated that way to amass his own wealth. He pledged to reverse an environment in which “the establishment protected itself.” Yet from how he has handled his bankruptcies, his taxes, even his choices for the Cabinet, he has lived his own life protecting himself above all others.

What I also can’t shake is, does Trump make too many promises on which he can’t deliver? And I don’t even mean “The Wall,” which as it turns we will pay for, not Mexico. No, I’m talking about another common goal for Americans: to eradicate terrorism. When Trump promises to erase it “from the face of the earth,” he’s dreaming. The enemy is not an army, it’s an attitude, a barbaric but obstinate attitude, which no one knows how to vanquish.

But there is more to say about Trump’s speech that’s heartening. Just as he sounded enlightened at the GOP convention when he told the delegates he would “protect LGBTQ citizens,” he struck an equally tolerant tone Friday: “When you open your heart to patriotism, there is no room for prejudice.” What I’m trying to shake though is the question, then why did he select men for some of the highest offices in the land who themselves have lived lives that put the lie to that sentiment?

So I’m still left with questions. Will the inclusiveness, the tranquility, the harmony, stick? If the history of Donald Trump is any guide, it probably won’t. Will the incomparable challenges of the office change the man, or will the man change the office? Will President Trump let the news media serve its historic purpose in this democratic society, will he curb his inclination to enfeeble American stock prices with temperamental tweets, will he proactively seek more commonality than conflict with our allies… and maybe less with Russia’s anti-American president?

The most perceptive part of President Trump’s address was what he said about the American people: “We all bleed the red blood of patriots. We all enjoy the same glorious freedoms, and we all salute the same great American flag.” Again, he’s right. I have covered wars, I’ve covered coups, I’ve covered revolutions that changed nation’s governments. We had none of that. The inauguration was a demonstration of one thing we haven’t lost: the peaceful passage of power. All of us, whether we cheer or jeer the new president, are a part of it.

So yes, I came away Friday more impressed than I expected to be. Not hopeless, not hopeful, but hoping. I am mindful of the first president I covered, Richard Nixon, whose Attorney General-designate John Mitchell told us, “Don’t listen to what we say. Watch what we do.” We’ll be watching, Mr. President.

On Torture

Torture is back on the front burner, and that’s not meant as a sick pun. It returned last week during presidential cabinet confirmation hearings. Why? Because given our unceasing war on terrorism, Donald Trump inescapably is going to have to decide, what is torture? Does waterboarding qualify? Does it work? Should we use it?

As a candidate Trump was pretty clear, pledging to “bring back a hell of a lot worse than waterboarding.” But his attorney general designee Jeff Sessions declared at his hearing, American law makes it “absolutely improper and illegal.” His defense secretary designee James “Mad Dog” Mattis told the President-elect himself, “I’ve never found it to be useful.” And Mattis is no bleeding-heart liberal. But he says when it comes to winning a prisoner’s cooperation, “Give me a pack of cigarettes and a couple of beers and I’ll do better.” Trump’s appointees to the departments of State and Homeland Security, and to the CIA, also agreed in hearings that the U.S. is out of the torture business.

I’ve changed my own tune about torture. I’ve always professed that however unpalatable, it serves a purpose. Several, in fact. It is a last resort when all others are exhausted. It gets bad guys to talk. It produces fruitful information. Sometimes, it gives torturers a taste of their own warped ways; for anyone with a human instinct for vengeance, that alone might justify it. Personally, if I had to torture bloodthirsty barbarians from the Islamic State or al Qaeda, I wouldn’t lose a moment’s sleep.

And I don’t speak from an ivory tower; I’ve seen tools of torture firsthand. In Uganda during the war to oust dictator Idi Amin, I was with Tanzanian soldiers who broke into dungeons where political prisoners were locked up (amazingly, on the grounds of Amin’s personal residence). There was a skeleton still hanging from a noose, others shackled to the walls. During the revolution in Iran, I was alongside rebels who used battering rams to beat down subterranean doors at the infamous Evin Prison. We found electric rods on the rims of tanks filled with water that could be heated to the boiling point, with rope pulleys overhead. You don’t need much imagination to figure out how they were used.

None of that changed my mind though. What changed it, after debate over the past decade about the value, legality, and moral rationale of torture, was simply listening to the other side. Not just the new attorney general asserting that torture’s not legal, nor the new defense secretary affirming that it’s not fruitful. Not even Senator John McCain, who was tortured himself in North Vietnam and told an audience point blank last month, “We will not torture people. It doesn’t work.”

No, my change materialized from the lips of a terrorist himself. Ali Abdul Hamid al-Fakheri was captured in Afghanistan and sent to a prison of our ally, Egypt. Under torture, he made claims about Iraq’s weapons of mass destruction, which made him a principle intelligence source to justify our invasion of Iraq. Later he recanted, admitting that he only told his torturers what he thought they wanted to hear. For the United States, it was an incalculably costly lie. And a lesson about the counterproductive pitfalls from torture.

My change also comes from arguments about cause-and-effect. If we ratchet up our rules for torture, what’s to stop despotic leaders from ratcheting up their own? And ignoring our moralistic protests?

Americans overseas already are targets. A report released a week ago by the think tank New America says that U.S. hostages held by terrorists are twice as likely to die or remain in captivity as other nations’ hostages. Condoning torture from Washington will only make them suffer even more, wherever they are.

There are some savages whose sins are so psychopathically evil, they deserve the worst fate. But if we condone torture and our own people pay the price, it’s not worth it. A citizen can take a position for the sake of debate. A president can’t.

On Trump and Putin

Donald Trump might be determined to Make America Great Again. But Vladimir Putin is not. Having reported from the Soviet Union and then from what is left of it, Russia, I assure you that Putin’s only goal is this: Make Russia Great Again. Which, for our national security and our international alliances, could come at our cost.

I hope I’m wrong. I hope that Donald Trump’s dream of warmer and more rewarding relations with Russia comes true. Kumbaya. The Cold War wasn’t fun.

I also hope that great gobs of creamy dark chocolate mousse become the health food of the month.

Lamentably, neither is likely to happen.

Not that Trump won’t try. For a year now he’s been buttering up President Putin, tweeting like a groupie about what how “smart” he thinks Putin is and what a great “leader” he is, and reflexively rejecting any credible conclusion that Russia invaded our cyberspace. This president-elect who preaches passion for America pays more praise to a dictator who reviles us than to the generals and intel experts who protect us.

What Trump might earn for his outreach isn’t so much a friendlier Russia as a stronger Russia. Because Putin’s unremitting message to the Russian people is, We were a superpower once, we will be a superpower again.

This helps to explain a tyrant who has marched into sovereign nations and taken by force what he thinks ought to be his; who has brutally bolstered a Syrian despot who drops blazing bombs on his people; who has slowly but surely slashed the civil liberties of his own citizens; and who, incidentally, evidently hacked his way into American politics. It even explains Russia’s drug-dominated manipulation of the Olympics in Sochi. Make Russia Great Again.

Think about NATO. It’s our buffer, protecting our allies and thus, us. It’s four-square in President Putin’s sights. And the Middle East: ever since President Nixon, the U.S. has been the main power broker, realistically the only power broker in the most flammable part of the world. Do we really want President Trump to proffer Putin equal influence?

Putin’s endgame isn’t warmer relations with the United States. His endgame is to sit at the table with the United States. To look us in the eye as an equal. And to have the world see it that way too. To return to the good old days when if his nation spoke, the world listened. And sometimes trembled. Nothing would please Putin or his people more.

The trouble is, this is not good for us. But Donald Trump has shown precious few signs that he realizes that. If he thinks that Putin wants any part of making America great again, he’s being played for a fool.

On New Year’s Resolutions

There’s a history to New Year’s resolutions, you know. Evidently they started in ancient Babylon, which eventually became part of Iraq. Having covered news there over the years— in Iraq, not Babylon— one New Year’s resolution I’ll suggest to all of you is, don’t go there.

Anyway, the ancient Babylonians believed that by making promises at the new year to their pagan gods, and keeping them, they would remain in the gods’ favor and that’s right where they wanted to be. Us too, I guess. Typical Babylonians’ resolutions were about repaying or returning whatever they had borrowed. Not a godawful goal for us either, I guess.

The trouble is, we don’t have those pagan gods breathing down our necks. Which is why, when Benjamin Franklin declared that the only sure things in life are death and taxes, he left out a third certainty: failed, flouted, foolish, unfulfilled New Year’s resolutions.

Still though, tis the season. So I have a few resolutions for me, and a few more (forgive the hubris) for others. Which might mean you.

I resolve to appreciate the splendor of Colorado. Sure, I already do, but sometimes, after 30 years living here, I take it for granted and forget to look.

I also resolve to appreciate the opinions of other people, no matter how boneheaded they seem. All it takes is remembering that mine seem just as boneheaded to them. Hand-in-hand with that resolution is this: listen more, talk less.

I resolve not to stand like a fool in a public restroom expecting every faucet, every soap dispenser, every towel machine to automatically feed me its goods. And I resolve to find out once and for all whether just because a container has that “recycle me” triangle on it, it means we can recycle the lid, too. Those lucky Babylonians didn’t have to worry about such stuff.

Another resolution: before they distribute disinformation to a wider audience, remind friends who forward fishy-smelling emails that there are credible websites whose only purpose is to fact-check. Facts aren’t the province of just one political ideology.

Plus, I resolve to eat less bread. This is the resolution I’m most likely to break though, because I discovered The Grateful Bread which supplies bread to lots of Denver’s fine restaurants and it’s as good as when I lived in France. Hmmm. Maybe I’ll resolve not to eat paté instead.

Now, for the rest of you. Pul-EEZE resolve not to tailgate. A study just declared Coloradans the eighth worst drivers in the nation! Apparently they don’t teach here how dangerous it is to sit right behind me at 70 mph. If you want to get in my trunk, just ask. Otherwise, back off.

Now, if your job is setting up buffets, please resolve to put utensils at the end of the line, not the beginning. I’ve sat on too many plastic forks.

Also, for whoever designs the forms we fill in at doctors’ offices: where the lines for our “gender” and “marital status” are long enough to write a novel, shorten them. Where the lines for all our addresses are an inch long, lengthen them.

If you’re in the news media, please resolve to keep opinions where they belong, like on this op-ed page. Journalists already have to make subjective choices about words, stories, questions, headlines. But that’s where it should end. Otherwise we degrade whatever public trust we have left.

As for soon-to-be President Trump, can we resolve to “Give Trump a chance?” Although I wonder, will we still need the same resolution a year from now? Then two years, then three?

Finally, a righteous resolution for us all: whether someplace you go or someone you meet, try to leave things better than when you came.

And most important, resolve to actually do what you resolve to do. It served the Babylonians well. For a while.

On Foreign Affairs

Remember when candidate Donald Trump told NBC’s Meet the Press where he gets his military advice? “Well, I watch the shows.” So maybe he was watching CNN Sunday morning when Senator John McCain called the increasingly credible conclusion that Russia hacked Americans’ emails “the sign of a possible unraveling of the world order.”

If so, then instead of ignoring Russia’s wrongdoing as he has done so far, maybe the President-elect will want to prove that he “actually loves the country enough” (to turn one senior advisor’s recent remark about President Obama on its end) to support growing calls to make Russia pay.

Because that’s how the world order works.

What Trump doesn’t seem to see is, foreign policy won’t work like domestic policy. Achieving what he wants domestically will be like driving down a one-way street. Whether it’s dismantling programs that protect the environment, debasing the bedrock of public education, or degrading the Constitutional rights of citizens he doesn’t like, there will be precious few formidable obstacles in the new president’s path. The Democrats won’t have the strength to slow him down, and while some Republicans might want to, most won’t have the backbone to bear his vengeance.

But on the foreign front, it’s a two-way street. As soon as Trump starts driving toward his goals, nations that see their own interests threatened will be barreling toward him from the other direction. And that’s when he’ll likely learn a few things. First, that no matter how hard he shuts his eyes and hopes they’ll turn around, they won’t (Exhibit A: Iraq). Second, that even when it comes to an unrivaled show of military strength, we don’t always own the street (Exhibit B: Afghanistan). Third, that while our next president’s outsized ego might tell him otherwise, he is no John Wayne (Exhibit C: like Trump, Wayne never actually served in the military).

These lessons will apply to everything: Russia’s aggression, China’s ambitions, Iran’s aspirations, North Korea’s aberrance, and in Trump’s latest exposition of inexperience, Palestinian aspirations. His new designee as America’s ambassador to Israel said in an interview that he’d be “shocked” if the majority of Palestinians “wouldn’t prefer Israeli rule.” Maybe they should, but I’ve spent the plurality of my working life in that part of the world and here’s the reality: they wouldn’t.

The question is, is Trump equipped to restore the “unraveling world order?” Remember, he has pronounced himself “smarter than the generals,” proclaimed professional intelligence “ridiculous,” rejected daily intel briefings because “I’m, like, a smart person,” and hired as his National Security Advisor a fan of “false news.” And, he seems to think that Russia’s President Putin covets cozy comradeship more than superpower status. I’ve covered him too. He doesn’t.

I’m losing hope.

On Comparing Colorado

Colorado has one of the highest growth rates of new residents of any state. This was reported early this month in The Denver Post.

My first reaction reading it was, nobody has to tell us.

We feel it every time we’re caught in growing gridlock, or perturbed downtown by the price of parking. We sense it in long lines and crushing crowds and the colossal cranes that are upraising the skyline of the Mile High City.

But then I remembered what I told Denver’s City Club thirty years ago when, as a new network correspondent based here, they asked me to speak to the question, “How can Denver rise above its image as a cow town?” The gist of my answer was, “Be careful what you wish for.”

Sure, when we grow, we groan, but that just makes us like everyone else. What makes us different is, relative to almost everyone else, we’re lucky, and that was affirmed last March when U.S. News rated Denver not just as “one of the best” hundred cities in America, but as “the best.” Period.

Which I confirmed last month when between San Francisco and New York City, I made four trips. You think it’s tough to drive through downtown Denver on a Friday night? Try twenty minutes to move a mere four blocks late one weekday morning in S.F. You object to paying as much as $50 to park all day in Denver (and that’s at the Ritz-Carlton Hotel, the costliest I could find)? Try $68 in San Francisco, and that was for a mere three hours. In New York though, that’s cheap: you can spend $90 just to park for the day.

Are you frustrated by CDOT’s toll lanes on I-25 and I-70, with more tolls to come? Remember, you’re not compelled to pay; you can stay in the free lanes if you choose. But try driving across the Golden Gate Bridge: $7.50 for every round trip. $6.00 for every round trip to Oakland. And that’s less than driving as I did from Manhattan to Massachusetts: you can pay two tolls, just to get out of New York. One more to get back.

Then there’s crime. We’re far from crime-free in Colorado, but while the violent crime rate in New York City— about 600 incidents per 100,000 people— is only equal to Denver’s, it’s almost 800 incidents in San Francisco. I was warned not to leave so much as sunglasses showing inside my locked car, or all I’d find when I got back would be broken glass. Thieves will even jimmy the trunk, just in case.

New York makes claim to the mountains we hold dear, except theirs are mountains of garbage bags. They just can’t collect them fast enough for sidewalks to be clear for a day.

The difference even extends to hospitals. On one trip I had to rush with someone to an emergency room. Although once I had to pay a whole dollar to park at the old St. Anthony’s in Lakewood, parking at this big city hospital cost $18 and that was only a small headache; the bigger one was, the ER was on such overload, they didn’t even treat the patient for almost six hours.

But I saved the best for last. The average one-bedroom apartment in Manhattan is $3,400, almost $3,600 in San Francisco. It’s $1,365 here.

We’ve got it good. And nobody should have to tell us.


I never much liked the OPEC oil ministers. Years ago when I periodically covered OPEC— the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries— it was the 800-pound gorilla in the room. In every room, in fact. The ministers acted like they owned the world because, with everyone desperately depending on what they produced, they did. They were imperially pompous and demanded deference. Not just from journalists like me who reported on their meetings from Vienna to Algiers, but from nations that feverishly bought the barrels of oil they fervently filled. Including the United States.

So I don’t shed tears today that the price of oil went so low, the nations that produce it are just as desperate as the ones that use it. Nor that the deal OPEC enacts January 1st to trim petroleum production— to shrink the surplus and force higher prices— is destined to disintegrate. As soon as some producers calculate that lower output at higher prices makes them even less money than higher output at lower prices, they will cheat and the united front will fail. That’s not a wild prediction; it’s a fact from history. What could stop them from undermining the deal? Like the Pope, OPEC has no army to enforce its will.

The 800-pound gorilla has grown weak. Saudi Arabia has taken such losses from the low price of oil (and from waging war in its region) that it has cut subsidies to its citizens for the first time ever— for water, electricity, even gasoline— and is contemplating taxation for a population that has heretofore never paid a penny in tax. Sanctions cost Iran so much that it’s eager to pump every barrel of oil it can, not to mention regaining its once impressive market share and shoring up its rivalry with Saudi Arabia (and waging its own wars). And Iraq? Already ravaged by war, it needs every dollar it can earn, to keep from sinking into irreparable anarchy.

OPEC countries have an ominous complication though: they don’t even produce half the world’s oil any more. Saudi Arabia is still the biggest, but do you know who comes next? Russia. Although not part of OPEC, Russia has agreed to also make small production cuts, but it has its own problems, namely, almost half its undiversified economy is funded by petroleum. It’s even contemplating a dip into its version of Social Security to bolster its federal budget. Russia cannot afford to reduce its revenue from oil.

And who comes next? The United States. Thanks to increased efficiencies in extracting our own home-grown energy and to our growing reliance on renewable energies, we are on the verge of energy independence. Back in the 1970s, out of political pique, OPEC embargoed oil to the United States and we looked like a Third World lackey, waiting in long lines to fill our cars with gas. Today, OPEC can no longer hold that noose over our heads.

One last ingredient to allay the impact of the OPEC agreement: almost all the OPEC countries the past few months have ramped up their production to near-capacity. Which means, reducing their output will basically bring it back to where it already has been.

Make no mistake, some of our most important European and Asian allies still deeply depend on OPEC oil. If they get hurt, we get hurt. And, as the price of oil goes a little higher because of the coming cutbacks, the price of a tank of gas will too (although relative to the price of gas back in 2014, not much).

But even against those prospects, OPEC’s production cuts shouldn’t be appallingly painful. In fact they might even be helpful, because when the world price of petroleum trends up, producers in our own country have new incentives to restart their drills and reopen their wells. Which ultimately enhances our own economy. And our energy independence.

On Pearl Harbor

On Pearl Harbor (in The Denver Post):

It never struck me before, not until I saw The Post’s front page headline Sunday morning: “Colorado Remembers. How Pearl Harbor touched lives in ways that will never be forgotten.” It was 75 years ago today.

What struck me was, although most of us weren’t even born back then, we had our own Pearl Harbor almost exactly 60 years later: 9/11. That too touched lives in ways that will never be forgotten but more distressing, it probably will touch our lives, and our children’s lives, for far longer than Pearl Harbor ever did, maybe even longer than World War II itself.

Think of the parallels. Both attacks came with faint forewarnings but no straightforward, single provocation. Both killed thousands of Americans, on scales chillingly similar: roughly 2,400 Americans died on that infamous day in 1941, roughly 2,600 Americans (out of 3,000 victims in all) on that equally terrible day in 2001.

And both days led to long wars. With catastrophic, if not commensurate, death tolls. If you include the victims of famine and disease during the deprivations of World War II, up to 80-million people died, including almost 420,000 Americans. Since our invasion of Afghanistan in response to the 9/11 attacks, more than a hundred-thousand people have died there, including almost 2,400 Americans (interestingly, that’s nearly as many American deaths as 9/11), and that doesn’t include more than 20,000 injured, many with life-lasting disabilities. In Iraq, roughly 4,400 Americans are counted amongst the estimated half-million war-related deaths there, with 32,000 wounded.

But now the parallels end.

Beginning with Pearl Harbor, America’s costly involvement in World War II lasted less than four years. Four terrible years, to be sure, but once we were on a war footing, there sometimes was light at the end of the tunnel.

There is no light today. After 15 years we are still in Afghanistan and we are back in Iraq. And even if our uniformed troops some day, somehow, pull out for good, our war will persist. Besides evil-minded terror groups like al-Qaeda, the ideology and impact of the Islamic State are spreading, even if its “caliphate” falls. The most conservative estimate puts Islamic State wannabes, or affiliates, or official cells, in at least a dozen countries. The highest estimates identify more than twice as many. They’re not going away.

We knew how to fight Japan and Germany. Then once the war was over, we knew how to turn our foes into friends.

Political bluster notwithstanding, we don’t know how to formidably fight the Islamic State. And they aren’t ever going want to be our friends. 9/11 was a single day of infamy. Its legacy will last several lifetimes.

On Tearing My Retina (in The Canyon Courier)

This is about how lucky we are. Because sometimes we can tend to forget.

I recently had reason to think I might go blind in my left eye. During a quick trip to San Francisco, suddenly I was seeing everything as if my eye was inside a big bubble. A soapy bubble like the kind kids blow from a bottle.

But this bubble wasn’t so much transparent as translucent. Light was coming through, but there was a thick coat of black spots on the bubble’s surface, and for lack of a better description, slithering snakes floating through my field of vision.

No, I wasn’t on acid. I headed for the ER. The doc could see blood in the back part of the eye. That could indicate something serious. Very serious. And very permanent.

Although soon I was examined with more innovative instruments, they began with a typical eye-chart— the kind with random letters from the alphabet, each line smaller than the one above it. With my right eye, I could read every letter almost to the bottom. But with the left eye, or both eyes together, I could only read a third of the way down.

Then it got worse. The ER sent me urgently to an ophthalmologist, where the visit also started with an eye chart but this time, while I could still see the chart, I couldn’t even tell that there were letters on it at all, let alone read them. I don’t scare easily but that got my attention. Things were definitely going downhill.

I started thinking about the implications. I ski a lot and bike a lot and the loss of peripheral vision and depth perception could curtail both. Maybe it would affect my driving. Possibly writing. Even reading.

So I started trying to see the bright side (excuse the pun), thinking about people who had it a lot worse than I might. Like a woman with whom I shot a documentary about stem cell advances. She had gone totally blind from a childhood disease but after twelve years in the dark, got some of her sight back. She was fascinated by shapes the rest of us take for granted but which she had forgotten because it had been so long since her brain had been fed any visual images. Like clouds, and wet footprints on a sidewalk. I thought about a restaurant someone told me about which is run by a group of blind people where the patrons are served and eat in the dark. Total blackout. Just imagine. Apparently if you go to this restaurant, you can.

The ophthalmologist diagnosed a burst blood vessel caused by a rip in my retina, which is pretty important; it connects the eye to the brain. So he elevated my emergency to a retina specialist, who doesn’t even focus on the whole eye; he specializes in only this element of the eye. Who knew?!

With instruments produced precisely for this purpose, he could see behind the blood and conclude that the retina was torn but not detached, which can be irreparable. An hour later, after surgery, I walked out the door. It hurt, vision is still obscured by snakes and spots for a few weeks (until the blood breaks down), and my face looks like Frankenstein’s, but I can see.

There probably will be a time fifty years from now, maybe sooner, when people look back and think that our medical solutions were primitive. But we already live in a day and age when problems that would have been permanently debilitating fifty years ago or even less, aren’t. Sure, we have some alarming issues to deal with nowadays (like wars, terrorists, Trump in the White House, the Broncos almost out of the Super Bowl). But we’re very lucky and I try to remember that.

On the ‘Rigged’ Election

So, once and for all, was the election rigged?

Yes. Indisputably. Not in the presidential race, despite the President-elect’s specious assertions (although, with respect for the Founding Fathers, I’m done with the outmoded, distorted Electoral College). But it was “rigged” by party-protected voting maps in contests for Congress. Which matters, big-time. A president’s success is significantly shaped by his Congressional support.

Look at Colorado. In the presidential vote, we went for Hillary Clinton by three percentage points over Donald Trump (47.3% to 44.4%). We were distinctly blue. Yet we re-elected four Republicans to the House of Representatives and only three Democrats. Which colors us red.

Or think about this: going into the election, the national approval rate for Congress was in the single digits, even lower than the media’s rate these days and that’s not a high bar to overcome. Yet more than 90% of members who ran for re-election, won. The ratio has been above 80% for fifty years.

The problem? Congressional districts are designed to insulate the incumbent. Colorado’s boundaries are more equitably drawn than most. We have a few where Republicans, Democrats, and Independents are fairly evenly apportioned. But still, most districts in Colorado and across the nation are packed to protect one party or the other.

Look at our 1st congressional district, which is mainly Denver. Democrat Diana DeGette has won this seat in eleven elections now. A Republican in her liberal domain doesn’t have a prayer. On the other hand, in Scott Tipton’s 3rd district (which occupies darned near the western half of the state) and Ken Buck’s 4th (which takes up the eastern third), Democrats are the ones without a prayer. They could hardly even fill a church.

Every ten years there is a Constitutionally required census, which gives both parties a chance to redraw district lines. Under the Voting Rights Act, they cannot disenfranchise citizens because of their race. They have to conserve what are called “communities of interest,” and the cherished credo of “one person one vote.” Boundaries shouldn’t concentrate all like-minded voters in a single district because they’d lose their voice everywhere else, nor should they divvy them up into so many districts that their voice is diluted. In short, it’s complicated.

But it’s also political. Lines are drawn by state legislatures, or if there’s a deadlock, by judges (which happened the last two times here in Colorado), or by appointed commissions (members here are appointed by legislative leaders, the state’s chief justice, and the governor). The process is neither non-partisan nor bi-partisan. It is all-partisan. And often depends on who’s in charge.

Case in point? For a whole decade in California after redistricting, only one congressional seat out of 53 changed hands!

Another case: I reported on redistricting in the 4th district of Illinois, which is a heavily Hispanic Chicago neighborhood. Actually, two neighborhoods. They were Congressionally connected only by an elevated interstate highway. Everything west of the interstate? Illinois’ 6th district. Everything east? The 7th. But the interstate itself? Part of the 4th. Why? To link the neighborhoods and preserve the Hispanic majority.

I also reported on Arizona’s 2nd congressional district. which made Chicago look normal. As the Colorado River cascaded through the Grand Canyon, 46 miles of it were set in the 2nd district, even though the dry land on both sides was in the 1st. That’s how the small Native American Hopi tribe, surrounded and outnumbered by Navajos in the 1st district, was linked to the 2nd.

Politics is the driving force. We can’t eliminate it. But in Colorado and nationwide when they redraw the maps again at the end of this decade, if each party has an equal voice, we can mitigate the rigging. Because there’s something wrong with the picture when we think we’re choosing our representatives but, in actual fact, they are choosing us.

On the Media

When the man who served as editor of The Denver Post for 14 years retired back in March— his leadership led to four Pulitzers and several freedom of information battles when public servants tried to keep information private— he did an interview for The Huffington Post, where Greg Moore said this: “I hope people are starting to realize how important it is to have a robust, independent news operation as part of the community fabric.”

The bad news is, they aren’t. A lot aren’t anyway. Since politicians started picking up speed to slam, stigmatize, sometimes even stifle the media, I’ve seen many Americans pretty much saying, Good riddance. That kind of thinking is shortsighted and, more alarmingly, un-American. Although Thomas Jefferson disliked reporters himself, he said, “The only security of all is in a free press.”

Historically the press has played a paramount role in the preservation of our republic. From crooked politicians to crooked CEOs to crooked charities, from ill-formed alliances to ill-conceived wars, the press has unmasked falsehoods and malfeasance and held miscreants’ feet to the fire. Not to mention sexual offenders in the halls of power. What’s more, most of what you know about the performance of government, about the state of the union, you know from the media.

And if you don’t like the so-called “mainstream media” because you think it is a tool of the Left, you have another immense and influential institution these days: talk radio (and of course FoxNews), a tool of the Right. Rush Limbaugh and Sean Hannity alone attract more than 25-million listeners a week. Nobody in this society is silenced.

I say to those who malign the media, try it out in another country. Almost any other country. What I’ve seen firsthand in so many nations where I’ve done stories is that journalists either directly work for their government, or indirectly depend on their government for such needs as a decent apartment for their family or a suitable school for their children. They don’t toe the government line, they lose those rewards.

Look at what the media is enduring in Turkey today, where an increasingly authoritarian government has just jailed 120 journalists for what it calls “subliminal” messaging against it. One Turkish reporter shockingly says, “Investigative journalism is considered treason.”

America’s mainstream media aren’t perfect. These days, not even close. For most of my own career, we sat on sensitive stories until they were researched and ready to go public. Today, competition for an ever-smaller slice of the pie (slices of both audience and revenue are smaller) has led some once-meticulous news organizations to place as high a priority on being first as on being right.

Likewise, although we made subjective choices every day about what we’d cover and how we’d cover it— such decisions are inescapable— we tried to observe an objective firewall between fact and opinion. Today, from the angles they pursue to the loaded language they slip into stories, many major news organizations have let political views pervade what are supposed to be unbiased, if not balanced, news reports. I condemn that.

Our public approval rating is at a modern all-time low. Only about a third of Americans really trust us. I get that. But just as American politics has shifted these days from defeating the competition to delegitimizing it, those who dismiss the value of a free press would delegitimize the news media by using Twitter and Facebook and all the rest to go around it. Who’s to challenge them?

Shut the media out, and the functions of government will happen behind our backs, not before our eyes. If that becomes the norm, it’s not reporters they’ll be shutting out, it’s you. And then, Greg Moore’s “robust, independent news operation as part of the community fabric” is history.

On the Transition to a Trump Presidency

Let’s look at the record so far. Since it’s only nine days since the election, this won’t take long.

First, Donald Trump has said since he started his quest that he only uses “the best people.” Because the President-elect has zero experience politically, diplomatically, or militarily, that is supposed to reassure us.

So how is it that his transition team is full to overflowing not with the indisputably best, but mainly with the indefatigably loyal? Christie and Carson, who Trump once trashed, opportunistically jumped on his bandwagon. Now they’re on his transition team. They’re “the best people?” Giuliani and Gingrich, who’ve both been humbled by Team Clinton, became its most apoplectic aggressors for Trump. So they’re on the team too. And Trump’s kids? Explain that one.

Trump also vowed to “drain the swamp.” So how is it that his team is floating the names of Washington and Wall Street insiders for consideration in his Cabinet? Mostly politicians, bankers, and donors who live in the very swamp he promised to drain.

And policies? Already Trump has softened on issues from Obamacare to incarcerating Clinton to “The Wall.” That’s fine with me, but what does it say about him? He has even turned from calling President Obama “one of the worst presidents in the history of our country” (and oh, by the way, “the founder of ISIS”) to “a very good man.” Fine, again, and rightly respectful, but does all this suggest that Trump’s convictions were campaign claptrap?

Then there’s Twitter. Thursday last week, Trump tweeted irritably about “professional protesters, incited by the media.” The next day though, he seemed to put such provocations behind him, taping his 60 Minutes interview and saying he will heretofore be “very restrained” on Twitter. But alas, between Friday’s taping and Sunday’s airing, he couldn’t stop himself. Again. He tweeted another attack against The New York Times, complaining that they’d misreported him suggesting that more countries should acquire nuclear weapons: “How dishonest… I never said this.” (But he did.)

Look, I wrote in a column here last week that I believe in the democratic process, and therefore assert unequivocally, Trump will by my president and I’ll hope for the best. The trouble is, the record so far makes it hard.

So does the future. I’m sorry, but tear up the Iran nuclear treaty and what do we get? Probably Iran building a bomb. Which would lead to what? Probably Saudi Arabia and Turkey, the other key Islamic powers in the Middle East (and Iran’s Sunni rivals), building their own bombs in self-defense.

Shrink our support for NATO nations that don’t pay “their fair share” and what do we get? Here’s a hint: a Russian analyst was quoted after Trump won, saying, “Moscow… can claim control over the former Soviet Union and a part of the Middle East. What’s not to like?” NATO doesn’t just protect other nations, Mr. Trump. It protects us too, because those nations are our buffer.

Here at home, maybe I’m wrong but personally I don’t think Trump himself is a big-league racist or homophobe or anti-Semite. Nor are the bulk of his backers. But I do think his angry, ugly rhetoric has emboldened those who are, and the record so far confirms it. Former KKK imperial wizard David Duke tweeted that Trump’s win was “one of the most exciting nights of my life.” Trump pulling his “senior White House strategist” from the sometimes hate-laced Breitbart News doesn’t help.

This is not about sour grapes. But it is about a sour taste in my mouth. Sour from what we’ve seen so far. If with harmony, not hostility, Trump can “Make America Great Again” (as if it isn’t already), fine. That’s as good for me as it is for everyone else. So I’ll keep hoping. Hoping the record gets better. There is no choice.

On This Divisive Election and Friendship

I don’t know if this poisonous presidential campaign has completely severed some of my friendships, but I do know that it has strained a few.

One friend who opposes Hillary Clinton emailed a bunch of buddies the other day, “I’m starting to understand how Hitler came to power. And then in the name of public policy, disarm(ed) the people. I’m starting to understand how six million people were killed.”

Beyond the fact that in the last presidential debate Clinton only called for “reasonable regulation” on guns and also said, “I understand and respect the tradition of gun ownership,” the comparison to the atrocities of Hitler was heartlessly dismissive and insulting to the millions of human beings who Hitler and his Third Reich gassed, hanged, shot, and tortured, not to mention the millions more American and Allied soldiers, sailors, and airmen who died to defeat him.

Another friend sent me an over-the-top screed about Clinton’s “affection for jihadists” with the assertion that she is no patriot, which was fallaciously myopic and insulting to me, and the millions who support her over Donald Trump.

But I responded to my friend in an attempt at amity, “We simply have different views. But I hope you accept this: many of the people behind Clinton, like many of the people behind Trump, are patriots.” My point is, we all want the same things for our nation: to preserve and protect our security, our prosperity, our liberties. We just have different ways of achieving that. To which he wrote back, “You shared with me that patriots come with different stripes: a premise I don’t accept.” Really?

I’ve lived through a lot of elections, but I don’t remember anything like this.

Like the growing anger amongst some Trump supporters about the integrity of the election. Much of it is based on absurdly unscientific assumptions, like how big the crowds are at Trump rallies, and his lead in yard signs. A confident Trump campaigner told The New York Times, as if it’s proof that Trump’s winning, “If you get on social media, he’s got Hillary beat, 3 to 1.”

A 25-year-old man in Wisconsin told a reporter that if Clinton wins, Trump’s backers “are going to do whatever needs to be done to get her out of office, because she does not belong there.” A New York voter told the Associated Press that in the event of a Clinton victory, “Our only chance is if the military develops a conscience and takes matters into its own hands.” Even a former Illinois congressman, Joe Walsh, tweeted, “If Trump loses, I’m grabbing my musket.” REALLY?

Some of these fires burn because Trump isn’t just stoking them, he’s setting them. But even if he loses, then disappears the day after (which seems unlikely), anger like this will not disappear. To hear these people talk, there could be another Revolutionary War in the making. I, for one, am not ignoring them.

I’m not going to offer some utopian formula for making it all better. I don’t think there is one. My only remedy, and at best it is partial, is for every one of us to remember our ultimate goal: a nation where the streets might not all be paved with gold, but unlike other civilizations, they’re not running red with blood either. For all its imperfections, this still is the best nation on earth.

The colloquial way of saying all that is, let’s not take our eyes off the ball. Just think of something every one of us has recited thousands of times: the Pledge of Allegiance, which describes us as one nation “indivisible, with liberty and justice for all.”

It might be more easily said than done, but let’s not make a mockery of the Pledge. And that’s my message to my friends. If we’re still friends when the election is over.

On the Colorado End of Life Options Act

Who are you, who is anyone, to tell me that I can’t end my life if I have unbearable permanent pain or an insufferably incurable disease? If I some day choose to die for either of those reasons, it will be the most personal decision I ever make, and that’s the point: it is personal. My decision, not yours.

That is why ballot issue 106, the Colorado End of Life Options Act, should become law. The fact is, it wouldn’t even cover all the circumstances I think it should; it would comfort only those tortured by an incurable disease who have a terminal diagnosis. But at least it would let those Coloradans end their grief in a dignified way if they want to— with a peacefully life-ending medication— if they’re destined to die soon anyway but are in such a bad physical state that they can’t make it happen themselves. If 106 is defeated, it will mean drawn-out agony for everyone in that condition.

Look, I’m on the board of Mount Evans Home Health Care & Hospice, and I say without reservation that we offer the best of both palliative and hospice care. But personally I would never claim that this is the perfect prescription for everyone beset by pain and hopelessness.

This is not a political issue; there are conservatives and liberals on both sides of it. Last year though, it was debated in a political forum, the state legislature, and it was shot down. One reason was fear of abuse; would citizens with disabilities be forced to petition for aid in dying so that they wouldn’t continue to be a bother— maybe a costly bother— to those around them? The other reason was religious, the argument that man has no business doing God’s work.

To the first objection, some of the imprecisions in last year’s bill have been tightened up for this year’s ballot. Now, the petitioner must be over 18 (which helps prevent teenagers, bent on killing themselves because of a temporary setback in life, from using the law), two different doctors must certify that he or she is in the late stage of a terminal illness, certification also is required of sound mind, and the petitioner must make two oral requests to die with dignity, separated by a 15-day waiting period, plus a third request in writing, signed by two witnesses, all to ensure that it really is the petitioner’s wish. Maybe most important to protect against abuse, petitioners must take the medicine by themselves.

To the religious objection I simply say, if you have a heartfelt problem with people ending their lives before those lives have naturally run their course, I respect that. Therefore, if the law passes, don’t use it. But don’t tell me not to.

There are now five states in the nation where the terminally ill can legally and, more important, comfortably end their misery. Oregon was the first. With almost 20 years of experience, do you know how many cases are documented there of people abusing the law, or being forced to use it? Zero. Look it up. To summarize each state’s experience, those who want to use it do, and those who don’t want to use it don’t. Likewise, doctors who don’t want to be a part of the process don’t have to be.

If determining the time and manner of our own death isn’t a human right, I don’t know what is. If you have a problem with that, then you are looking out for your own interests, not mine. And not Colorado’s.

On Journalism & Trump

I don’t scare easily.

While covering stories as a foreign correspondent over the years, I’ve been beaten, shot at, even chased by a gang with machetes. I’ve had weapons pressed to my forehead, helicopter gunships searching for me, mortar shells falling around me, and journalist friends killed right next to me.

If these kinds of things didn’t scare me, I wouldn’t be normal. But they’re all part of the job description overseas and like I said, I don’t scare easily. However, there’s a story I’d be scared to cover today and I wouldn’t even have to leave the U.S. to do it: a rally for Donald Trump.

Hostility abroad was to be expected. We were western journalists; our adversaries were anti-American. Sometimes the threat grew out of a bully’s calculated bombast, sometimes from the raw rage of a mob. All we could do was calculate our odds: how far should we go into the maelstrom without going too far? How long should we stay without staying too long?

Here at home, journalists shouldn’t have to calculate odds like that. Not when all they’re doing is covering a candidate. But this candidate is different. He’s hardly the first to malign the media. The difference is, he makes it personal. And vitriolic. He publicly pummels individual journalists, calling them “sleaze,” “dishonest,” “pathetic.” He condemns the whole press corps as “disgusting and corrupt.”

Now you might agree with all that— many Americans do— but that’s almost beside the point. By tearing into the media at his raw-meat rallies, the candidate who has promised to pay the legal expenses of supporters prosecuted for violence is all but inspiring it. Now, as his behavior catches up with him, he’s even including the media in a “global” conspiracy against him.

Trump and his most bellicose believers are echoing the ancient tradition of targeting the messenger to discredit the message. To which I say, journalists can’t make this man look thuggish, boorish, misogynistic, narcissistic, unempathetic, unprepared, vindictive, mean, or dishonest, without his help.

A New York Times story late last week catalogued the “menacing, thunderous roar” when reporters come into a Trump rally. Acolytes “flipped middle fingers and lashed out in tirades often laced with profanity” as journalists made their way in.

Granted, it’s The New York Times, which unconscionably has let its op-ed page bleed into its front page. But that too is almost beside the point. Where there’s smoke, there’s usually fire. What would it take for a rally to mushroom from threatening to dangerous to riotous? Only one spark, and Trump keeps lighting the match with incendiary indictments like, ”The media is, indeed, sick, and it’s making our country sick, and we’re going to stop it.”

You can simply say “Man up,” but let me tell you about those beatings I suffered overseas. They didn’t start with a punch. They started with taunts. Which turned into shouts. Which evolved into pushing. Which morphed into punching.

Can the reporters covering Trump’s rallies feel secure that this won’t be the pattern there? It’s gotten so bad, evidently NBC and CNN have hired their own security to protect their people. NPR is giving Trump campaign correspondents “threat awareness training.” I have covered six different presidential campaigns, with candidates on both ends of the spectrum. It was never like this.

That scares me.

And you ought to be scared too. If not for the journalists who cover Trump, then for yourself, because if you treasure freedom of the press (and if you don’t, it’s because you don’t know how lucky you are), you need to realize, he’s putting it in jeopardy. Whether ultimately any reporters get hurt covering his campaign, the free flow of information is taking a hit. If we do things Trump’s way, America could look more like those Third World countries where, because I was a journalist, I got chased, and shot at, and beaten.

That scares me too.

On Isis and American Politics

For a few years there, the Islamic State was on a roll. Armed with its sadistic execution of Sharia Law, it took control of several major cities in Iraq— and took billions from their banks— and established its so-called caliphate in Syria.

Now, the Islamic State is getting rolled. Its fighters have been ousted from most of their strongholds, its sources of income are getting squeezed, and generally each day it doesn’t seem to be quite the focused force it was the day before.

That’s the good news. The bad news is, the Islamic State has grown far beyond its landlocked desert base, and whether it survives at all in Iraq or Syria, it already has spread like a cancer to other corners of the globe. Whether official cells or affiliated admirers or vicious wanna-be’s, these far-flung followers, disparate as they are, will be hard to pinpoint and hard to eradicate.

But since the Islamic terrorist threat has been an impassioned issue in the presidential campaign, let’s put blame where it deserves to be put. And give credit where credit is due for taking it on.

Critics blame President Obama (and by extension his first Secretary of State Hillary Clinton), asserting that if not for his total troop withdrawal five years ago from Iraq, the Islamic State wouldn’t have seen the light of day. Those who say that are living in the dark.

First, because the withdrawal was planned by his predecessor, George W. Bush, who signed the “US-Iraq Status of Forces Agreement” to have all troops out by December, 2011. And second, because no one can claim incontestably that leaving a few thousand troops behind as some politicians proposed would have stopped the Islamic State’s surge. Some generals believe it would, others (maybe the ones about whom Donald Trump said, “I know more about ISIS than the generals do, believe me”) believe it wouldn’t.

So who to actually blame? You have to go back to the early days of the war, when the Sunni dictator Saddam Hussein had been toppled and the U.S. officials briefly became the nation’s government. And what did they do? Although they should have understood the long bitter rivalry between Sunnis and Shiites, as did journalists like me who covered the Middle East, they told every Sunni in both the army and the bureaucracy, you guys are out of power now, you have to find another place to work.

They did. At a place called the Islamic State. It is a wholly Sunni enterprise; many of its top officials are onetime Iraqi army officers and government bureaucrats. That is the genus of the Islamic State. As Brookings Institute Senior Fellow Daniel Bynum puts it, “The United States proved skilled in defeating its foes but was not prepared for the problems that followed.”

Now, to the credit. President Obama’s detractors call him ineffective. That’s because they’re not paying attention. Just as “we got Osama bin Laden,” we’ve also gotten an impressive number of the Islamic State’s commanders and strategists, logicians and propagandists. What’s more, Islamic State fighters didn’t just evaporate from cities like Fallujah and Ramadi. They were pushed out by a mix of local forces supported by American advice, assistance, and air power; U.S. troops also help protect territory the Iraqis have retaken. An estimated 5,000, including Special Forces, now are part of that overall operation. Casualties are minimal.

Like President Bill Clinton’s careful incursion that hastened the end of the wars in the former Yugoslavia, President Obama has put troops back in harm’s way in Iraq, but mainly in roles that keep them some distance from the front.

You can blame him for this mess if you want to. And you don’t have to give him credit if you don’t want to for turning things around. But in both cases, you’ll be wrong.

On The Election

Not even seven weeks to go. Absent the rebirth of hanging chads, that’s when we should finally find out who’s heading for the White House. Say Hallelujah!

More precisely, it’s just 47 days. That sounds gleefully short when you remember that Hillary Clinton declared her candidacy way back in April last year, then Donald Trump followed only two months later. Yet those 47 days— our “home stretch”— are still longer than an entire national campaign for Prime Minister when I lived in London. That’s when Margaret Thatcher first won the post, after convincing a majority of voters that while her opponent would only cushion the country’s decline, she would reverse it. That took just 41 days, by the end of which everyone knew as much about the candidates’ plans and promises as we know about ours after a year-and-a-half. And mercifully, by the way, less about their families.

The contrast clobbered me back then, because a few years earlier for ABC News I had covered the presidential campaign of then-former Georgia Governor Jimmy Carter. I remember Carter campaigning in Iowa, carrying his own suit bag off the plane; that started in late February 1975. More precisely, 612 days before we voted. Yet by Election Day in ‘76, what stuck with us the most was that Carter had told Playboy Magazine that he had “looked on a lot of women with lust.” And that incumbent president Gerald Ford was a klutz (which he wasn’t). You gotta love The American Way.

To be fair, there are differences between campaigns in the U.K. and in the U.S. One is, candidates in the U.K. technically only run for their respective seats in Parliament; it is because they are the leaders of their political parties that the one from the winning party becomes Prime Minister. Another difference is, their campaigns only have to reach about 65-million people, not the 325-million we have here, and they only have to traverse less than 100,000 square miles of turf, not the 3.8-million that American candidates cover.

But excuse me! Way more people, way more land, that still doesn’t mean that campaigns in this country have to be twelve times as long. Or— sit down for this—more than 30 times as costly. It’s absurd. In the U.K. they have alluring limits: no election ads on TV, and a maximum expenditure by each political party of about $30-million. By contrast, we have the conservative-backed campaign-spending free-for-all called Citizens United. Four years ago, the Obama and Romney crusades burned through nearly $2-billion. In fact according to the Center for Responsive Politics, American candidates spend almost as much money just to raise even more money as British candidates spend altogether to win. That’s not just absurd, it’s obscene.

And, for all the time and energy and money they expend in the race to the White House, it sometimes seems mind-numbingly pointless.

Look at where we are now after a year-and-a-quarter of campaigning and only 47 days to go. The two major candidates and their super-PACs have raised roughly one-and-a-half billion dollars. Each holds fund-raisers where the price of dinner can run to six digits. Pay-to-play? Everybody’s doing it.

And the upshot of all this? Well, we have one candidate whose periodic proclamations about plans and promises play second fiddle in the public’s mind to her careless use of a private email server. The other is carefully conveying speeches scripted by his staff so he doesn’t carelessly say what he’s actually thinking.

This is not a problem without solutions. But as long as re-election is many politicians’ paramount purpose, a failure to upend the system will be a self-fulfilling prophecy.

On American Alliances

This crazed campaign for President has created an appetite among many for the U.S. to shake up the world. I’ve covered campaigns and seen it before but never like this. From security treaties to trade pacts to employing our unprecedented power, there have been calls to rewrite our commitments, to recast our relationships, even to fold up our tent and withdraw. This would shake up the world because when the U.S. sneezes, everyone catches cold.

Which is why, we dare not. As John Donne wrote some 400 years ago,“No man is an island,” and we might say the very same today of the United States of America. Economically, politically, militarily… and yes, climatologically… we are not an island, we are not independent of the rest of our planet. We have long known that others throughout the world need us. What we have not understood as well is that we also need them.

When it comes to security, the outstanding example is NATO. Donald Trump has said that if he becomes President, the U.S. will reexamine its commitments to the security of Europe, because some of NATO’s European members don’t pay their fair share. But make no mistake: NATO is not just about the security of Europe. It’s also about the security of our own shores. Europe is our buffer. Whether we’re talking Russian aggression or Islamic terrorism, Europe is, in effect, in the way. Weaken security in Europe, we weaken security at home. That’s worth paying a princely price to prevent.

The controversy over trade— and both Presidential candidates have spoken against specific pacts with economic allies— is too complex for a short column. But suffice to say that for a variety of reasons, putting blame aside, we can’t live any more on just what we produce at home. Nor on just what we sell at home. If we could turn back the clock, fine. But we can’t. Our industrial economy and our consumer economy both are deeply dependent on factories and workers, and on products and resources, from overseas. Our cars, our phones, our shoes, all tell the tale of our interdependence.

Then there’s the prolific yet not always profitable use of American influence. The best guidance there comes from decades of American attempts to make peace between Palestinians and Israelis. Every president clear back to and including Richard Nixon has tried. Some seemed to come close, but each ultimately failed.

I covered some of those negotiations, and came away each time with a higher dose of pessimism about prospects for peace. Yet whether Trump or Hillary Clinton wins the White House, you can bet that they will try again. As they should, because what they must understand is, we need to keep a hand in the game.

Sure, we could remove our hand from the weight of global leadership and leave it to others to pick up the pieces. But who would that be? Russia? China? Do we really want them calling the shots while we sit on the sidelines and watch? Absolutely not, because their priorities are not our priorities. Through American eyes, they would only make the world worse.

What we choose to do will chart the world’s course and determine everything from our security to our prosperity. The biggest decision we have to make as Americans, in fact, is whether we want to continue to lead. Diplomatically, economically, culturally, politically, militarily.

But we can only lead if others follow. And others will only follow if, in a wide spectrum of alliances, we keep our longstanding word. Life is not a fairy tale. We don’t always get everything we want. But if we’re so unhappy with the status quo that we shake up the rest of the world— tearing up trade deals and trashing treaties— we shake up our own too. No man is an island. No nation, either.

On Journalism & Ethics

When you’re a journalist and on assignment overseas, you’re a subject of no nation. Your only job is to report the story through the eyes of the citizens it affects.

When you’re a journalist and on assignment at home, you’re a servant to no government. Your only job is to report the story as it impacts that government’s constituents.

That’s how it works. In theory.

But the fact is, life isn’t always black and white. Especially not for journalists. Occasionally, we end up shoulder-to-shoulder with the people we’re covering. They might generally be perceived as good guys, like soldiers or police. Or they might be perceived as bad guys, like drug dealers or terrorists. As The Post put it in an opinion poll, when we combine in any way with those we cover, it’s “a thin blue line.”

The issue comes up because of an incident this past Wednesday morning in Boulder. After searching fruitlessly all night for a man they were trying to arrest who escaped after firing four gunshots, Boulder police asked to use the traffic helicopter that is shared by one radio and four local television stations. They wanted to put an officer up in the air to coordinate with SWAT teams down on the ground. They already had tried to get the Denver police helicopter, then air support from the FBI, but neither worked out.

But with the help of the news organizations’ helicopter, the manhunt did. The fugitive— who has a long criminal history— had left a trail of blood, and the officer in the helicopter was able to spot him and direct his arrest on the ground. Six thousand nearby homes that had been notified by robocalls to “shelter in place” could relax.

However, the news organizations can’t. Although it turns out it was actually the helicopter pilot who made the call to cooperate with the police, they are under fire. The Denver-based correspondent for ABC News tweeted, “Journalists are not agents of law enforcement.” The chairman of the journalism department at C.U. called the situation a “grey area” and told the Boulder Daily Camera, “We have to pay attention to the slippery slope, where one seemingly harmless lapse is deemed to be acceptable.” A C.U. professor of media ethics said, “It’s about being too close to your sources.”

Here’s where I think they have it wrong.

No, we are not agents of law enforcement. But I can’t count the number of times I’ve begged law enforcement— or the military in cases like earthquakes and floods— to take me and a camera crew up in their own aircraft to get a better picture of what I was covering. Which simply meant better coverage for our viewers. Anyway, no journalist in Boulder was beholden to the police; it was the other way around.

Yes, we do have to pay attention to the slippery slope. But we’re not machines who can’t keep ourselves from slipping farther, we’re human beings who make human judgements about where to start and where to stop.

And no, we don’t want to be too close to our sources. But none of that was at stake in Boulder. Because of a mutual reliance on information, police and journalists are thrown together every day of the week, whether they like it or not. If I hadn’t had relationships with some of my sources over 40 years of reporting, I wouldn’t have had half the information I got.

But here’s the best argument on the other side: many years ago, network news luminaries Peter Jennings and Mike Wallace were on a panel and were asked a hypothetical question that drives at the ethical questions in all this: if you were covering an enemy army during a war and learned of an ambush they were plotting against American soldiers, would you act as a partisan patriot and try to warn your countrymen, or as a neutral journalist just let it play out? To the disgust of non-journalist panelists, they ultimately opted to just cover the hypothetical attack, not influence it, because that’s the “higher duty” of a journalist.

Of the helicopter controversy, 9News Vice President of News Patti Dennis framed a journalist’s duty for me this way: “There has to be a situational conversation. The role of a journalist doesn’t necessarily give you a free pass from being a good responsible citizen.” I second that.

So critics are right to worry. But one size doesn’t fit all. Sometimes there’s harm done. Sometimes there’s not.

On Warfare and Children

When I was a kid, we played cowboys and Indians. With toy guns and imitation bows and arrows. We took our combat cues from the world of make-believe, the world Hollywood served up about the good guys and the bad guys in the Wild West. In those politically incorrect days of old, we had no doubt about who was who.

Today, in Syria and Iraq, in Yemen and Afghanistan and Libya and soon you might have to add Turkey, children still can be seen, pairing off in mock battle. But there’s no make-believe behind the game. These kids survive in a real-life state of chaos. And destruction. And displacement. And death. If they survive at all.

And it’s hard, if not impossible, to tell the good guys from the bad guys.

This was hellishly hammered home last week in Syria. Yet again.

It was in photos and video that went viral. Images of a five-year-old in Aleppo. Of this mop-haired little boy sitting alone, framed by his intensely orange chair in an overstressed hospital. Sitting alone after being rescued from the rubble of his home. Caked in blood and dust. Defenseless. Catatonic.

Who was responsible? Russia? Radical religious rebels? The boy’s own government? On a personal level, it’s moot. It happened.

I’m reluctant to utter the boy’s name, because it feels like I’d diminish all the other kids who’ve lost their homes, their schools, their siblings, their parents. All the other kids for whom an airstrike— or a pitched battle from door to door— robbed them of their youth. All the other kids just like this one but for one dramatic difference: the camera didn’t capture their despair.

But it doesn’t really matter whether I name him or not, because while the image might stick with you, you wouldn’t long remember the name. Can you conjure up the identity of the little boy washed up last year on a beach in Turkey? Not likely. The two-year-old son of a Syrian family fleeing the fighting looked like he was sleeping but he wasn’t. He was dead. That too was captured in a photograph which went viral. That too prompted global fury. Fury about the callous conduct of Middle East combatants. Fury about the desperate deluge of Middle East refugees. Fury after which… nothing changed. Yet again.

In my own coverage of conflicts, I have seen what happens to young survivors. Existence becomes a goal. Poverty becomes an expectation. Security becomes a memory. Suffering becomes a touchstone. Violence becomes a norm.

Two images forever stick with me. Neither is make-believe. In one, Palestinian children in the Gaza Strip throw stones at mock-ups of Israelis, spitting insufferable slogans at their unseen enemy. Some day those stones will be on fire, and those children will be out to kill. In the other, children in then-embattled Belfast, Northern Ireland, are playing their equivalent of cowboys and Indians, except it’s Catholics and Protestants. They are in an alley, slinging miniature Molotov cocktails at each other. And swearing the same foul slogans they could hear just around the corner, where a bona fide battle raged on the street. Hate was growing right there in that alleyway.

The tiny corpse on a sandy sanctuary in Turkey, the dazed child in an orange chair in Syria, the kids in Gaza and the kids in Belfast, they are part of the incalculable cost of war.

Is it avoidable? Sad to say, the answer is no. Power, greed, ideology, history, racism, religion; they, and more, are the drivers of war. So unless the failings of human nature some day disappear, we will always have warfare. And if we always have warfare, we will always have children whose lives it ruins for perpetuity. There already have been hundreds of thousands, maybe millions this time around. There will be that many more. Yet again.

On Rape and Justice

When a rape victim last week in Boulder asked the judge to “have as much mercy for the rapist as he did for me… which was none,” she pleaded for the paramount principles of criminal justice: to remove dangerous offenders from the streets, and dole out punishment that is somehow commensurate with the crime. Rehabilitation? A second chance? Those might be society’s ultimate objectives, but the primary purpose of criminal justice is to protect the population and punish the perpetrator.

Judge Patrick Butler didn’t do that. Certainly not commensurate with the crime. Although CU student Austin James Wilkerson was smart enough and old enough in 2014 when he committed his crime to know the difference between right and wrong, his only penalties are two years of work-or-study-release, inclusion on the register of sexual offenders, and 20 years of probation. Wilkerson’s life won’t be easy– he will be a pariah– but for a crime that in some states once qualified perpetrators for the death penalty, it’s a walk in the park.

What in the world was the judge thinking? Who is our system of justice meant to serve?

Some would answer that Wilkerson does not necessarily fit the profile of an incorrigible rapist, and therefore should not serve a sentence that permits the state to keep him behind bars even beyond the end of his original sentence if he is not deemed rehabilitated. Excuse me, but yes he should. He still would have the chance to show that he’d learned his lesson, while also paying more of a fair price for his crime, and not just incidentally, giving his victim at least some sense of moral compensation. If someone deserves to get the sharp end of the stick, it is the criminal who consciously chose to offend, not the victim who had no choice.

Last weekend, former U.S. Attorney General Eric Holder wrote in an op-ed about a man who started selling drugs while a college student in Virginia, roughly Wilkerson’s age. He was caught and convicted and now is serving life without parole. Wilkerson raped a woman who told the court of nightmares and panic attacks, debts amassed, friendships lost. Yet while the drug dealer will likely die in his cell, Wilkerson will sleep behind bars for just two years, leaving each day to study or to work. Isn’t there something wrong with this picture?

Make no mistake, this young rapist’s once rosy future probably is destroyed. So forgive me for sounding callous, but I don’t care. His victim argued eloquently and who more than she deserves to be heard? “The rapist chose to ruin his life… My life has been ruined without my consent.” She was heard, but not heeded. That’s not justice.

On This New World Canvas

Both conventions are past now, yet no one at either hammered home this hard fact: When a terrorist turns something as tame as a truck into a grisly weapon of war, as one did two weeks ago in France, it means that in war and peace, as well as social upheaval and even presidential politics, we are painting today on a whole new canvas. The question is, do we have a clue how the new pictures will turn out? The alarming answer, judging from the conventions, is no.

First of all, how do we achieve peace when we don’t fully understand why we’re in the war? It is not as it once was, two sides in a struggle for land and power and dominance. It is about ideology, and when you think about the enemies who are now out to kill us, we surely don’t understand their ideology. It’s a war against adversaries with no front lines, no uniforms, no Geneva rules. And now, with weapons as simple as a truck. Or in Germany, an ax. Or in so many other places, a gun. They’re all easily accessible to terrorists, even the guns, especially the guns. Partisans at both conventions claimed they’ll kill ISIS, but none spewed specifics. No one told us how we win on this whole new battlefield.

Which is what American police officers must also be wondering. They no longer have to think about protecting themselves only when they race into an active crime scene. Now, they might race right into an ambush. Just going on patrol bearing a badge can be a magnet for a bullet.

Then there’s social upheaval. When the Arab Spring dawned, it grew from the ground up. That’s contrary to virtually every prior revolution in the history of the Middle East; they used to start at the top. But five years ago, Arab leaders had eyes and ears on every corner in town yet they never saw the revolution coming because it wasn’t the consequence of a coup, it wasn’t the product of foreign influence, it was the growth of a then-new phenomenon called social media. Now, in the blink of an eye, social media is an irreversible force for good but also evil. ISIS with its monstrous morality uses it, Palestinians with knives use it, and on this new canvas, we haven’t yet learned how to combat it.

Presidential politics have changed for sure, and for better or worse, Donald Trump is the catalyst. Different analysts put different spins on how he’s done it, but the one immutable fact is, he has. An egomaniacal schoolyard bully with a minimum of preparation to be President fought for a major political party’s nomination, and won. All Hillary Clinton can do is watch most days as her rival grabs the headlines yet again. She is trying to figure out how to respond and win the voters’ embrace, but dogged herself by distrust, she hasn’t cracked the case yet. 25 years in politics might have taught her a lot, but not how to paint on this whole new canvas.

There’s even the recent brouhaha in the United Kingdom over Brexit. A healthy alliance was weakened by an unhealthy fear. Respected experts were ignored. Powerful politicians were discredited. All of Europe— and by extension, the United States of America— is now moving in uncharted territory.

We are bombarded by barbarism. France, Germany, Belgium, Turkey. San Bernardino. Orlando. Dallas. Nowadays, whether an airplane crashes in the Mediterranean or a gunman shoots up a shopping mall, we don’t first wonder whether it’s some sicko. We wonder whether it’s some terrorist. We are assaulted, physically and psychologically, and no one at either convention really told us what it all means.

At this point, solutions are just guesswork. Plenty of people, from politicians to pundits, are telling you where we’re headed, but they’re just guessing. Everyone is. We’re all in the same fix, painting on a whole new canvas.

On Tom Sutherland

The only other time I can remember writing about a great man I knew who died was when I wrote about the long-popular radio legend Paul Harvey, for whom I worked as editor and sometimes writer for more than two years in the late 1960s and early ‘70s. He was conservative and I wasn’t, and he was talented and I wasn’t, but he shared his talents with me and inexplicably put his trust in me and treated me, young enough to be his son, as his equal. He helped shape me and contributed to whatever success I had, and I’ve always been grateful.

Now I write about another who died only last Friday night: Tom Sutherland. More people probably remember Paul Harvey than Tom Sutherland, so to remind you, I’ll tell you of his most unwanted claim to fame: along with journalist Terry Anderson, Tom was the longest held western hostage during the almost endless civil war in Beirut. And what made him great was that he was never bitter. For six-and-a-half years, he was blindfolded and chained to walls and moved to new prisons only at night and in all that time never— think about this: NEVER— saw the sun. And yes, he was mad and yes, he fought to punish Iran for sponsoring the terrorists who kidnapped and held him, but he wasn’t bitter. To the contrary, he could tell some of his stories about those horrible dark years with his native Scottish lilt and a smile on his face. He could even joke about the ways he got through that unimaginably dark period of his life.

I never met Tom Sutherland in Beirut. He had been the dean of the school of agriculture at the American University of Beirut, but that wasn’t exactly a part of my rounds when I went in and out of that troubled city covering the war there. We who spent time in Beirut all knew that he’d gone missing, along with our colleague Terry, and occasionally when roaming (or sometimes, to save our lives, running) through sections of the city, we’d remark to one another that maybe he was just on the other side of this wall, or that wall, or otherwise very close to us without us knowing it…. and without him knowing it either.

Where I finally met him was in Denver, probably a year or two after he was released, when some friends took me to hear him speak. Afterwards I went up to Tom and introduced myself and told him what I just told you, that we who were covering the war in Beirut thought about him during his captivity but never had a clue about where he was or how he was or what he was suffering as a hostage. As it turns out, what he suffered was worse than our worst imaginings.

Over the years we had lunch together a few times, and corresponded with some regularity until the last couple of years when his health went into decline. I never claim to have unique personal insights into the behavior of terrorists— to the contrary, the one thing I think I do understand because of whatever time I’ve spent with them is how little we actually understand about what drives them— but whatever I do know, if only secondhand, is thanks to Tom. Contrary to pundits and contrary to politicians and diplomats and academics and think tank analysts, Tom Sutherland has had his boots firmly on the same ground that was inhabited by terrorists. He got to know them in ways none of the rest of us possibly could, or would want to.

I’ll close with the story he told me about how he was kidnapped in the first place— or maybe more accurately, why he was kidnapped. He had come home to Colorado for R&R, and was returning to his post in Lebanon. As a favor, the president of the university sent his own chauffeured car out to Beirut’s airport to pick Tom up. Heading back north into town though, the car was cut off and men with guns jumped out and pulled Tom from his car into theirs and that was the beginning of his nightmare. What his kidnappers didn’t know yet was, they got the wrong guy. As Tom learned from them once he got to know them (albeit involuntarily, of course), they had been watching the university president’s car and when it headed for the airport, they followed it thinking they would take as their hostage the leader of the school. Instead, they got Tom.

And yet he wasn’t bitter. For all of his suffering, he knew how to count his blessings. As my wife eloquently put it when I told her that Tom Sutherland had died, “He had quite a soul.”

On Melania Trump

By the end of the first night of the Republican convention, the worst thing anyone had to say about Melania Trump’s talk was that it was lacking in the kinds of personal anecdotes that typically show up in such a soliloquy: anecdotes about her husband’s hidden traits, his soft side, his personal warmth. But I give her a pass; no one named Trump is known for doing things the way they’re usually done.

By the end of the first morning after, the worst thing anyone had to say about her talk was that she lifted not just ideas but in some cases word-for-word passages from Michelle Obama’s talk eight years ago at her own husband’s convention. Granted, in all likelihood Melania’s words were provided by professionals and she might not have known about the plagiarism— although that does raise the question of why she told NBC’s Today Show, “I wrote it with as little help as possible.” But I even give her a pass on that one; no one named Trump is known for telling the whole truth.

However, the issues inherent in this little incident go deeper than just to the originality or ethos of the woman who would be America’s First Lady. They go to the nature of the Trump campaign itself.

First, because what Donald Trump and his supporters have long howled about is what they call the incompetence of everyone in the Obama administration. They have assured us that a Trump administration would be different. He will hire the best people, he will execute the best policies, he will make America great again. Yet when the most important person in his life is about to give the most important speech in her life, neither he nor anyone around him can detect even a hint of theft? Geez, there’s even easy software out there that can find it. Maybe he’d better make Melania great again before he goes to work on the country.

Second, because of Melania’s very words (with a big assist from Michelle Obama): “From a young age, my parents impressed on me the values that you work hard for what you want in life: that your word is your bond and you do what you say and keep your promise; that you treat people with respect.” Oh, you mean like Donald does? From what I’ve read, his word was no bond for the people he screwed over the years in business. And respect? My guess is, he couldn’t even spell the word when he heard Aretha Franklin belt it out. Mrs. Trump went on, “Donald is intensely loyal.” I’ll bet! Just ask his first and second wives.

Finally, Trump’s wife’s plagiarism was a danger sign, a metaphor for the phony, misleading, uninformed, and incurious nature of Trump’s candidacy. It was empty. Just like Trump.

On Gun Regulation

Do you realize, nowadays, we name but a single place, and instantly we all know what it’s about. Like Columbine. Orlando. With so many massacres in-between: Virginia Tech, Aurora, Newtown, San Bernardino. Now mournfully, we add Dallas. We hear the names of these sites of slaughter, we are reminded of our national shock. And, our national shame.

In the aftermath of Orlando, I heard an interview on NPR with Anne Marie Hochhalter, a victim of the carnage at Columbine. She is paralyzed for life. What she insightfully observed is, while the circumstance of each massacre was different, they have one thing in common: “A crazy guy with a gun.” Crazy, or angry, or both.

Yet in seventeen years since Columbine, after so many bloodbaths, what has been done to mitigate them? Almost nothing.

Moreover, in all that time, short of banning human birth, no one has figured out how to keep “a crazy guy” off the streets. But plenty of people— politicians, police, pundits, just plain citizens— have figured out how to shrink the number of guns on the market, the number of guns available to “a crazy man”: make them harder to get. However, they face obstacles that continue to cost innocent lives.

Like the argument from the guns rights crowd that advocates more weapons out there in our world, not less. Consider Donald Trump’s assertion after Orlando that it would have been great if someone in the nightclub had shot the killer “right smack between the eyes.” Yes it would, absolutely.

But here’s the fatal flaw. A couple of weeks ago on a TV newscast I saw police-cam video of an officer ordering a guy out of his car. Instead of obeying, the guy began to drive off. So this trained policeman fired seven shots, from about ten feet away. He hit the guy exactly once. Yet the NRA and Trump and others think untrained civilians, already probably panicked, ought to be firing toward a madman in a crowded nightclub… or movie theater… or school? There is more than one kind of madman among us.

Those who still believe in common sense control over the pellmell sale of guns shouldn’t give up. Millions of Americans don’t want to. If polls are accurate, most Americans don’t want to.

Yet barriers still are built by people who don’t justify their opposition, beyond their blind belief that the Second Amendment is impervious.

So go back to the Constitution, the very Constitution we all treasure, and reread the Second Amendment, always at issue when calls for gun control crop up. Its precise wording, including punctuation, is, “A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.”

The Founding Fathers had to mean one of two things by that key word, “regulated.” Either that the militia bearing arms would be regulated by someone or something, or that the bearing of arms themselves would be regulated.

Yet today, opponents of any gun control keep up their calamitous campaign. Do they seriously believe they are the very militia the founders had in mind?

So let’s change one term in the debate: don’t use “gun control” any more; use “gun regulation.” Then we’re abiding by the Constitution, just as the Founding Fathers wanted.

Speaker Paul Ryan last week deceptively declared, “We can have security and keep to the Constitution at the same time.” But a fellow Republican, Senator Lindsay Graham, responded more reasonably, “The Constitution’s a sacred document, but it is not a suicide pact.”

These are legitimate issues. With life-and-death import. They deserve a reasonable debate. It cannot be left to wither. Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell would let it, saying last week, “Clearly, we have got to move on.” Wrong. If we “move on,” debate will not be the only thing that dies.

On Elie Wiesel

I met Elie Wiesel once.

It was at Auschwitz. On the 40th anniversary of its liberation.

He was there to remember it. To mark his people’s liberation from the Holocaust. To mark his own liberation from its horrors.

I was there to report on it.

One could have no delusions about how this man had suffered in that insufferable place. Not after he wrote in his own Auschwitz account called Night, “Never shall I forget those moments which murdered my God and my soul and turned my dreams to dust.”

But at the same time, one might have thought that Elie Wiesel also, somehow, could have been happy, 40 years later, in that singularly sad spot. Happy that the degenerate dregs of Auschwitz no longer were a death camp but a muscular monument to his people’s survival. Happy that by becoming the archivist of arguably the most malicious mass murders in the history of mankind, he was rich, he was revered. And that because of what he wrote, the rest of us might never forget.

But he didn’t look happy. He didn’t talk happy. He didn’t act happy. He was sad.

Sad that necessity had forced him to put pen to paper, sad that for many years after the war, relatively few among its survivors dared to speak of the Holocaust, let alone write about it for the sake of time immemorial.

Sad that some men of hate had reduced others of innocence— men, women, and children of innocence, to be sure— to the most primal of instincts and the most minimal form of survival. And reduced others to ash.

Three times I’ve walked through the ashes of Auschwitz, the most meaningful being that day with Elie Wiesel. I emerged looking not just at the big picture of persecution, but also looking at the small one. Asking questions like, how would I have handled it if someone stole my shoes? For inmates slavishly worked to the edge of extinction, shoes could be the margin between life and death.

Wiesel’s unforgettable words, “Never shall I forget that night,” became in the civilized world’s conscience, the simpler injunction, “Never forget.”

And yet we do. Whether it’s a bully in a schoolyard or the occasional racist cop or the ubiquitous selfish thug or a madman with an assault weapon in a room full of innocent people, we forget. To say nothing of the ruthless terrorists who threaten the civilized order of today’s western world.

Elie Wiesel’s obituary in The Denver Post said his greatest disappointment was that after the war, “Nothing changed. Human nature remained what it was. Society remained what it was.”

In some places, in some ways, it is still night.

On Brexit

I met a pair of 60-something Scottish tourists the day before the United Kingdom ditched Europe. They had cast their votes before leaving home. Both opted to go independent.

Not wanting to debate the demerits of their nation economically and diplomatically outside the orbit of Europe, I simply asked why. “Because 80% of our laws are made in Brussels,” the man told me. “How would you feel here in the States if someone else were writing your laws?”

Putting aside the possibility that his figure might be inflated— given abundant inaccuracies from our own politicians, who are we to preach?— I had to admit that many Americans these days would substitute “Washington” for “Brussels” and angrily if illogically ask the same question.

But I also had to wonder, aren’t the laws actually working, no matter where they’re written?

In Britain, that didn’t seem to matter. As The New York Times put it, “Parts of Britain felt that its national identity was under assault.” That’s a reference to immigration, not just the ongoing crisis of immigrants from war-torn parts of Africa and the Middle East, but also the onslaught of immigrants from poorer parts of Europe to richer parts.

But “national identity” also is a reference to something much more basic, whether in Britain or anywhere else: nationalism. Nationalism means pride in your country. Pride in its history, its achievements, its culture, its power. I’ve seen it all over the world.

In Egypt for example, although with little to show today, citizens are proud of their ancestors’ achievements, like pyramids whose engineering we don’t understand to this day. In France, people are proud of their culture, from food to fashion, from art to architecture. In Venezuela, it’s about their history, when their nationalistic leaders created sovereign states and ended Spanish rule. In Russia, it’s their powerful past, the superpower status they once had. As a measure of nationalism in China, students are taught to recite their dynasties going back millennia.

Not every nation is nationalistic. Potent though they are with their bounties of oil, countries like Saudi Arabia and Nigeria, comprised of tribes whose loyalties are not defined by borders, are not deeply nationalistic. In fact in most of the 80+ nations where I’ve covered news, on every continent but Antarctica, waving the flag is not a national pastime and nationalism is not a driving force.

Furthermore, where it is a driving force, it is not always a force for good. The foundation of Saddam Hussein’s nationalism was, Iraq was a great empire once, and it will win the world’s respect once again. That helps explain his aggressive actions, from his occupation of Kuwait, which sits on sand once ruled by his ancestors, to the proud if ultimately imprudent picture he painted of weapons of mass destruction.

Russia’s President Putin ceaselessly stirs the pot of nationalism. His message is, we were a great power once and we will be again. This helps explain his belligerent behavior everywhere from Ukraine to Syria. It also keeps his popularity ratings enviably high.

And now, the self-destructive vote in Britain. As one British writer snidely said, “We’re being congratulated by Donald Trump, (French National Front party leader) Marine Le Pen, and nobody else.”

Already, nationalistic factions in other parts of Europe are feeling their oats, including racist political parties in Europe’s other major powers, Germany and France. Typically they never pull more than about 25% in national elections. But just as Americans have tossed “typical” off the cliff in this aberrant political year, Europeans might follow suit.

It’s an object lesson for us all. Whether conservatives or liberals, we want the best for our nation. We just have different ways of getting there. The United Kingdom, driven more by emotion than pragmatism, has let nationalism take it toward the unknown. I don’t want to go there too.

On Gun Control

It’s hard to believe that the Democrats were so cowed. Cowed by the NRA, cowed by the GOP. Although generally once advocates of consequential gun control, they were reduced in Monday’s Senate debate to arguing over whether suspected terrorists should be banned from buying semi-automatic weapons (which most on the other side, unbelievably, still oppose).

Here’s why this was barely productive: Adam Lanza, who slaughtered 26 children and teachers in Newtown, wasn’t a suspected terrorist. James Holmes, who murdered 12 Batman fans in Aurora, wasn’t a suspected terrorist. Even the radical Muslims who mowed down 14 people in San Bernardino weren’t previously suspected of terrorism. They all got their hands on these weapons.

Back when I was a talk show host on KOA Radio, I used to argue for gun control myself. My thinking, supported by statistics that hadn’t been twisted by the NRA, was that guns do more harm than good. I still think so.

But I got countless calls from gun owners saying, “Hey, I hunt,” or “My sport is target practice,” or “I have a right to protect my home.” Valid arguments for sure. But not against limits on some level. And because the Second Amendment is not absolute, we do have limits.

Hunting is fine, but you don’t need to do it with a tank, so we can’t own tanks. Target practice is fine, but you don’t need to lob a grenade at a target to test your skills, so we can’t own grenades. And protecting your home is fine, but do you need an AR-15 to do it?

What’s more, if you have an AR-15, do you really need a magazine with 30 cartridges? Here in Colorado the limit is fifteen and that’s absurd too. Are we better off because a mass murderer can only kill fifteen people at a time?

If more guns really made us safer, which is the fantasy argued by guns rights groups, we would be the safest nation on earth. We’re not. Do you realize that although the United States has less than 5% of the world’s population, we have almost a third of its mass murders? And guess what: semi-automatic assault rifles are the mass murderers’ weapons of choice.

Look at Israel. It faces the threat of terrorism like few other nations on earth, yet there’s no codified “right” to bear arms. To get a license for a gun, you must need it for work or security, and you must go through mental and physical exams, then pass shooting and safety tests too.

Here in our country though, the right to bear arms is settled law. So be it. However, it is at loggerheads with another cherished right from our Declaration of Independence: the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. Which means, today, the right to live and not to be killed by an armed maniac.

Of course, the genie’s out of the bottle— the guns are out there, everywhere, and it’s too late to get them back. That’s why the assault weapons ban of 1994 failed to move the needle. But now, everyone’s talking about a spectrum of measures to reduce violence, especially in the form of home-grown terrorism. How can anyone argue that keeping additional assault weapons out of the marketplace won’t help?

Both politically and pragmatically, old-fashioned notions of gun control are moot. But are our politicians really willing to confine themselves to this narrow debate about terrorist watch and no-fly lists?

Semi-automatic assault rifles are byproducts of the military. They are offensive weapons, not defensive, designed to kill a lot of people. When we’re at war, that’s what I want. But they have no rightful place when we’re at home. What politicians should plainly say to gun owners is, we don’t want to take away all your guns. Just your semi-automatics.

If only the Democrats had the guts.

On Trump’s Response to Orlando

Of the many stressful lessons from the massacre in Orlando— that codifying gay rights hasn’t blunted the bigotry, that easily obtained semi-automatics have become mass murderers’ weapon of choice— the most alarming for me has been the post-carnage performance of the Republican Party’s candidate for President.

What it proves is that Donald Trump is even more unfit to lead our nation than I already thought he was— and between his vengeful temperament, his precarious proposals, and his unconcealed contempt for consistency and truth, I already thought he was pretty darned unfit.

When the sun had barely risen on the bloody slaughter, before anyone knew anything definitive about the murderer or his motives, Trump characteristically was jumping to conclusions, tweeting, “Appreciate the congrats for being right on radical Islamic terrorism.”

“Right?” It’s true that the killer called 911 from a nightclub restroom and pledged allegiance to the Islamic State. But it’s also true that a former cop who once worked with him said the killer was “unhinged and unstable,” constantly ranting against gays, blacks, Jews, and women. Notably, not just infidels. And that the killer’s father said his son was angry at the sight of two men kissing. And that his ex-wife called him bi-polar, “mentally unstable and mentally ill.”

Trump didn’t know all this, but to a reckless blowhard like him, that doesn’t matter. The wildly-deranged mass murderer fit Trump’s playbook and he ran with it. And don’t try telling me that the man is prescient. He’s not. He’s just pompous. Perilously so. Yes, radical Islamic terrorism played a role, maybe the major role, but given the scope of the killer’s sick hatreds, it was way too early to draw uncompromising conclusions. Conclusions lead to responses, and our responses had better be right.

Trump quickly concluded that the massacre affirmed the ban he proposes for Muslims entering the United States. Which underscores something else: the killer didn’t “enter the United States.” He was born in New York; his parents emigrated from Afghanistan more than 30 years ago. Is this really what Trump means by the “second generation” of refugees who could be radicalized? Once you jump to conclusions, don’t let facts get in the way.

Like Trump’s conclusion that American Muslims bear blame for the massacre because they don’t “turn in the people who they know are bad.” If he has any facts on that one, he knows more than the FBI.

Then there’s Trump’s conclusion about President Obama’s place in all this. Because the President doesn’t publicly pronounce the words “radical Islam,” Trump says he’s ignoring reality. But he’s not; he’s recognizing reality, the reality that indicting every Muslim everywhere by proclaiming a clash of civilizations could impair, not improve, our security, not to mention our Constitution.

It’s Trump who impudently ignores the facts. Obama has put Americans back in harm’s way to fight the Islamic State, used drones relentlessly to target terrorists, and yes, he did get Bin Laden. You don’t have to applaud everything the President has or hasn’t done— I don’t myself— but you can’t call him soft on terrorism… unless you’re an egregiously unapologetic “birther” named Donald Trump. He opined ominously of the President, “He doesn’t get it or he gets it better than anybody understands.” That’s Trump’s cowardly way of suggesting that Obama is a terrorist sympathizer without being accountable for asserting it.

Finally, there’s Trump’s freedom-chilling conclusion about the media. Citing “incredibly inaccurate coverage” in The Washington Post of his notions about Obama, he canceled its credentials to cover his campaign. So presumably as President, he would banish not just Muslims but any media whose reporting he dislikes. Wow.

Trump has jumped to disconcerting conclusions, and shamelessly poured politics into the pathos. It’s not just disrespectful to the dead, it’s downright dangerous. What we eventually learn about Orlando should determine what we do next. What we learn, not just what we think.

On Network TV News

These days, I’m embarrassed. Embarrassed by the industry in which I proudly made my living: network TV news.

It’s not that there weren’t embarrassing episodes in the trade while I was part of it. Maybe the most egregious was back in 1992 when NBC News staged a fiery gas tank explosion to deceitfully reinforce their report about dangerous GM trucks. CNN’s more recent and shamefully wrong newsflash that Chief Justice John Roberts was striking down Obamacare wasn’t so hot either.

Then there was the day even farther back when John Lennon was murdered. ABC News sent me to Liverpool, England, to do the “Here’s where it all started” story. Nothing wrong with that, until I learned that my piece would be one of five about Lennon that night… including then-correspondent Geraldo Rivera’s self-serving claim that he once coaxed Lennon out of retirement.

That didn’t rise to the level of the exploding gas tank, but there was other equally earth-shaking news that day: Iran saying the hostage crisis was closer to being solved, the Soviets calling up reservists reportedly to suffocate Poland’s Solidarity trade union, Chrysler begging for another $350-million in federal aid to stay alive. ABC’s disproportionate focus on celebrity in a short nightly newscast was a personal embarrassment.

Why bring this up now? Because if anything, things are getting even worse.

Just for example, on NBC Nightly News last week, the day when North Carolina sued the federal government over the controversial “bathroom law,” and Donald Trump brazenly broke his duplicitous pledge to run an issue-based campaign unless the other side didn’t, the lead story was? A tornado south of Oklahoma City! Granted, weather counts in all our lives, but this was a local story without immediate national impact. So why did they lead with it? Well, they had riveting video (although, ironically, the funnel they first showed next to anchorman Lester Holt’s head was Colorado’s hair-raising twister the day before).

Equally annoying, they obscured the video at the bottom of the screen— the destructive tip of the Oklahoma twister— with a banner saying in big bold letters, “Breaking News: New Tornado Outbreak Strikes.” Excuse me, but that’s what the correspondent was reporting on and the video was showing; even an idiot didn’t need a banner to spell things out. (Maybe worse, CNN will banner “Breaking News” darned near every time a newsmaker sneezes.)

It’s called pandering. CBS News comes closest to a panderless evening newscast, while NBC, although it also credibly reports serious news, is prone to pivot to crime, children, animals, and weather when they’ve got video to entice us. Or, the celebrities. NBC’s the network that paid high six-figure salaries to two totally unseasoned correspondents named Chelsea Clinton and Jenna Bush. For its closing story the same night as the tornado, Bush interviewed Britain’s Prince Harry, comparing notes on whose grandmother is the toughest. (I think Jenna wins.)

I’m only picking on NBC, by the way, because I’m too embarrassed by the downmarket priorities at my old network ABC to even tune in to the news there any more.

What’s it all matter? Well, for one thing, it results in phenomena like the celebrity-centric exposure all the networks gave Donald Trump, for free— one estimate says, $2-billion-dollars worth— which arguably tilted the whole campaign and could change the course of history.

There are good explanations for the decline in the quality of coverage: more competition than ever before to be first, smaller audiences and less ad revenue than ever before to keep quality high, and the money-and-soul-sucking sway of technology. Good explanations, but not good excuses.

Most Americans still get news from television. It should be more about what they need than what they want. If, collectively, the networks understand that, they’re not showing it.

On The Presidential Candidates

It could be painful, but look at the presidential candidates we’re down to. There are— there must be— redeeming traits in each. Otherwise, they wouldn’t be the last ones standing. But there also are questions about all three of them that scare people.

With Hillary Clinton and her vacillating sincerity the question is, can we trust her? With Donald Trump and his vague command of coherent policy, credible preparedness, or his own temper (just imagine him with the nuclear codes), can we (or any nation) tolerate him? As for Bernie Sanders who promises the sky, does he live in the real world?

Then again, when’s the last time we had a perfect candidate? One with perfect integrity, perfect temperament, perfect transparency, a perfect grip on reality. Not as long as I can remember.

So as a nation, come November, we’ll swallow our standards and hold our noses and vote. It won’t be the first time.

But I’m still scared, because none of the three, I fear, can successfully, effectively, lead. Not after the nastiest contests in modern memory and especially not if we end up again with what we have now: one party in the White House, the other controlling Congress.

Clinton? Republicans hate her. Maybe even more than they hate President Obama. They would say she can’t tell a truth from a lie. They would stand in the way of everything she’d try to do. Think about this: Obama entered office without the 55% negative nationwide rating that Clinton carries like an albatross, yet Republicans brazenly built barriers meant to block virtually every policy he pursued. Can anyone seriously imagine that Hillary Clinton could charm them down?

Trump? Despite the passion of his proponents, his own negatives are the highest of any presidential candidate in history; he’d be lucky if they sank to Hillary’s level. Sure, more than ten million primary voters have taken him seriously, but most of the more than 320 million Americans still don’t. Trump assures us that if elected, he would be so “presidential” that we’d all be “bored,” but since his trademark since the got-go has been to degrade and denigrate every detractor in his path, his pledge to act presidential is no more believable than the color of his hair. Given the open animosity from leaders in the very party he purports to represent— from Mitt Romney to John McCain to Jeb Bush to Ted Cruz—the odds of Trump even winning the heart of the Republican party, let alone anyone else’s, are low. Why, even popular Speaker of the House Paul Ryan said just yesterday, he’s “not ready” to endorse Trump.

Sanders? This one’s not hard. He calls himself a “democratic socialist” but if you properly define the word, socialism means government ownership of the means of production. Sanders advocates more government intervention than we’re used to, but that’s a far cry from socialism. (In the Soviet Union, I once did a story about the fact that even the kits used by sidewalk shoeshine men belonged to the government. That was socialism!) But do conservatives care about the difference? He’d be tagged with a dirty label of his own making, which would scare off almost any elected legislator who might want to support his policies but also wants to be elected again.

What’s more, for many of us, none of these candidates has the capacity to inspire. Donald brags, Hillary shouts, Bernie repeats himself. Can we expect our next president to deliver stirring oratory that might bring us around, like JFK’s “Ask not what your country can do for you,” or Ronald Reagan’s “shining city on a hill?” Hardly.

Given their undeniable negatives, whatever positives these candidates have to offer probably won’t compensate. Not with the citizenry, maybe not with the legislators whose patronage a president needs in order to lead.

Which leaves us where? We’ve all heard the political chant “Four more years.” This time, it takes on a whole new meaning: four more years of gridlock.

On Saudi Arabia

I’ll never forget being stopped for speeding in Saudi Arabia. It was the middle of a hot night. The Saudi officer told a cameraman and me to follow him to the police station. But when we pulled in, so did another squad car with sirens screaming and that’s when everyone forgot about us because a better show was about to start. Two cops went to the back door of the other car to pull out a suspect, but they couldn’t get him to stand. Each time they jacked him up, his legs turned to jello. Then, someone told us why. He’d just been arrested as a thief and he knew what was coming: he probably wouldn’t leave the place with his right hand, or either hand if it wasn’t his first offense.

So while President Obama might have changed “regional security” for the better after his trip to Saudi Arabia last week, more there will stay the same. However rich and sophisticated the Saudis have become, their practices will still be barbaric.

Women still will be oppressed. Stonings and beheadings will persist. People still will risk the lash if they so much as look the wrong way at the king.

And, despite the mushrooming controversy in the U.S. over whether to hold the Saudi government responsible for any role in 9/11, some Saudis will still send support through the back door to terrorists, while their leaders disingenuously affirm their alliance with us.

That’s the bad news. But there’s good news too.

First, we’re not beholden to them as we once were. They still sit on the world’s second biggest known supply of oil, but since we’re on the edge of energy independence, we don’t need it like we once did (although many American allies still do).

Second, their economic muscle has atrophied. With oil worth only about a third of what it once was, Saudi Arabia for the first time ever face spending limits. Citizens’ subsidies for electricity, water, and gasoline are being cut. They’re even contemplating taxes, which is revolutionary in a nation where there has never been a tax, and that is fomenting a demand that must scare the Saudi dictators: No taxation without representation.

However, here’s more bad news: we still need Saudi support. We keep military stations on Saudi sands. We get permission for military missions to overfly Saudi territory. As a muscular regional power they usually back us diplomatically, and contentious or not, they are our biggest customer for military arms.

Make no mistake, the Saudis are bad dudes. But if their standing shrinks, let alone disappears, whoever replaces them in this increasingly radical region will be even worse. For us.

On The Middle East

Here’s why the cauldron we call the Middle East is so hard to understand. But why we must.

Picture a pot of spaghetti which you’ve just boiled, then poured through a strainer to discard the water but preserve the pasta. There are a few strands still stubbornly stuck to the bottom of the pot, billowing in every direction, right?

Picture that, then picture a flow chart showing alliances and animosities that define the Middle East.

The pictures will look pretty much the same. Today, anyway. Tomorrow, based on the old adage in the region that “the enemy of my enemy is my friend,” they might shimmy out in whole new directions.

That’s why— presidential contenders’ tough talk notwithstanding— the United States can’t simply have its way throughout the Middle East by dint of our superpower strength, whether military or moral. Virtually every conflict on earth these days might have implications for our national security but one lesson we need to understand is, often it’s not about us. And often, our leverage is limited.

Today’s best example: Yemen. You might have to pull up a map to even find the place; until not so long ago, though on a strategically important waterway for much of the world’s oil, it existed in relative obscurity. When I first set foot in Yemen, I remember thinking that while I never expected to see anyplace that could make Afghanistan look modern, Yemen did. It was a nation with no paved roads outside the capital. And less than a half dozen doctors nationwide. It was so remote, its borders were missing from many maps because nobody knew for sure where the lines of shifting sand actually were.

But Yemen is obscure no more.

Today, it is the locus of a war as vicious as any in that whole pitiful part of our planet. Why so vicious? Because major combatants don’t even have a stake in Yemen. Iran (in league with Hezbollah) is there to strengthen Shiite forces fighting to control the country. Saudi Arabia (along with other Gulf oil states and Sudan— yes, Sudan, as if Darfur never happened) is there to strengthen Sunni forces fighting for the same. And did I mention, al-Qaeda and an affiliate of the Islamic State are both up to their necks in this war, plus, for good measure, the man who was deposed after ruling Yemen for decades as an American ally now is allied with Iran?

So, many of the fighters are imports. According to the United Nations, they are indifferently using explosive weapons in populated areas; they couldn’t care less whether an already primitive place is reduced to rubble. And the Saudis, who we are supporting and whose air strikes are supposed to turn the tide? Reportedly their crack pilots have been so afraid of fire from the ground, they fly too high, which means their bombs miss their tactical targets and instead take out homes, hospitals, markets, water supplies, even schools. Which means many civilians killed. The latest U.N. estimate in the past year alone? More than 6,000 deaths. Fifteen-percent were kids.

To most Americans, I’d guess, the implications for us seem indirect. But they’re not. For one thing, the Shiites are putting themselves in a close enough position to attack and destabilize oil-rich Sunni-led Saudi Arabia. Think what that would do to the world’s economy. For another, this has become a classic proxy war for control of the region which— like the proxy wars in Syria and Iraq— could spread like the shifting sand.

A cease fire is supposed to take hold Sunday. With peace talks to follow. Pray for progress because without it, the cauldron could boil over even more. Do we have the resources to combat yet another breeding ground, another safe haven, for the world’s most fanatical terrorists? It’s debatable, at best.

On Democracy

We talk a lot about democracy in this country, especially during this poisonous presidential campaign. But put twelve of us together and ask each to describe “democracy,” you’ll probably get twelve different definitions. Not all that different though, because there will be at least one common link: if you say the sun comes up in the east and I say it comes up in the west, aside perhaps from ridicule, neither of us pays a painful penalty for our disagreement.

The ancient astronomer Galileo wasn’t so lucky. Just for promoting the theory that the earth revolved around the sun, he was convicted of heresy and sentenced, until his death, to house arrest. Amazingly, that kind of mental myopia still exists in much of the world, where people have no notion of the meaning of democracy and even where some think they do, it’s a far sight from ours.

You’ll find egregious examples in today’s Middle East. Remember all those purple-stained fingers people proudly displayed only a decade ago in Iraq, having just participated in their first real election? That was democracy all right, but look what followed: the once-oppressed Shiites won, the once-dominant Sunnis lost, and it became “winner-take-all” democracy. That legacy lasts to this day.

Then there’s Egypt, where presidents like Hosni Mubarak and Anwar Sadat before him were routinely elected and reelected to office with more than 90% of the vote. Because democratic elections were seen as a sham, citizens had to be convinced after the Arab Spring to buy into the promise of truly free ballots. But the process produced a regime that the generals disliked, so it was fiercely overthrown. Egyptians have told me it will be generations before they ever again trust in the dream of democracy.

In Russia, President Putin over the years has slowly but surely diminished the democratic liberties for which Soviet citizens long yearned and, after the Soviet collapse in 1991, briefly acquired. How has he gotten away with it? A dissident politician (whose own political party has since been “disqualified”) explained it to me in his Moscow office: “Russians in the ‘90s had key problems: the economy fell down, incomes fell down, corruption grew up, many things were terrible, and the name for that was ‘democracy’.”

So put aside the other Constitutional provisions that govern us and the candidates who unnerve us. The meaning of democracy in this unsettling era for America hasn’t changed; we can say what we think, no matter how ignorant, no matter how offensive. The sun still comes up the next day, and the day after that. In the east, in the west? That’s for you to figure out.

More On Donald Trump

Donald Trump might be repellent to many of us… I mean, now he’s tastelessly threatening to “spill the beans” on Ted Cruz’s wife, whatever that means… but he also is compelling, and that’s been mystifying me: what is it about this guy that makes it impossible to take our eyes off him?

My epiphany came one night last week, when I was lying on the couch at home while recovering from some surgery on my gut, and I picked up the remote to catch some kind of escapist fare on TV. Frankly, a simple chick-flick like When Harry Met Sally would have suited me just fine. But when I hit the “on” button, the TV was set to CNN— it was Super Tuesday #3, I think, it’s hard to keep track— and there was Trump at a podium, just beginning to crow about that night’s primary election conquests.

Now, trust me, the way I was feeling, When Harry Met Sally would have made my gut a whole lot happier and a whole lot calmer (except, perhaps, for Meg Ryan’s Oscar-worthy restaurant orgasm scene). But I didn’t change the channel. It’s strange, really, because watching Donald Trump— let alone picturing him in the Oval Office— gives me no pleasure. Zero. But I kept watching because I wanted to know: would Trump be Dr. Jekyll that night, or Mr. Hyde? Or maybe both, showing the civil side that sometimes (perhaps only accidentally) slips out?

And you know what? He was pretty civil. Shallow, but civil. And you know what else? I was pretty disappointed. I’m sorry to say that, in fact I am embarrassed to say it, but we’re focused on Donald Trump for the explosion. It’s like the Indy 500. If we’re honest about it, we’ll admit that we’re not watching for the tedious thrill of seeing drivers do hundreds of repetitive laps around the oval unscathed (I’ve been there and trust me, it’s not all that exciting). No, we’re watching for the possibility of a crash where flames erupt and shrapnel flies and all the other drivers dodge and weave to somehow steer clear of the mess.

Or think about a boxing match. Sure, maybe a few enthusiasts get excited about one boxer beating the other on points. But the rest of us? It’s the knockout punch, the spectacle of one fighter giving the other not just a bloody nose but a punch that puts him down for the count. I mean, even in baseball, what would you rather watch: a pitchers’ duel, or a home-run derby?

All of this is just fine when we’re talking about cars and boxing and baseball. But it’s not so hot when we’re talking about politics, especially when it’s not just politics but the political leadership of the free world, and the imbroglios keep piling up.

Trump continues to insist that he knows how to behave himself, that although he has made little slips like calling the Pope “disgraceful” and openly wishing he could “punch (a protestor) in the face” and belittling everyone from critical journalists to political competitors to war heroes, he would know how to be presidential.

But just how “presidential” could he be? Here’s his own answer: “I would say more presidential… than anybody other than the great Abe Lincoln. He was very presidential, right?”

I feel better already. What Trump’s telling us is, he knows “presidential” when he sees it. What he’s saying is, he can get a grip. However, fellow columnist David Brooks begs to differ: “He insults the office Abraham Lincoln once occupied by running for it with less preparation than most of us would undertake to buy a sofa.”

Trump for President? If you think this guy might slip up even just once and cost us dearly for his recklessness and unpreparedness, vote for someone else. Almost anyone else. People die in those crashes.

On Donald Trump

Since his plain-spoken censure of Donald Trump, I like Mitt Romney better now than I ever did before. Still though, South Carolina’s Republican Governor Nikki Haley earns top honors for saying, “Donald Trump is everything we hear and teach our kids not to do in kindergarten.”

Think about it: Did your mom or dad ever teach you, don’t be a schoolyard bully? Don’t call kids bad names, don’t threaten others with violence, don’t brag at others’ expense, don’t mock people for their shortcomings?

Mine did, not that I always deferred to their advice… but then I grew up and knew they were right.

If Donald Trump’s parents ever told him how to act, either he tuned them out or he just never grew up.

I’m beginning to think it’s the latter.

It wouldn’t matter if Trump had just stayed where he was for most of his life, as hard-driving developer, where anyone who didn’t want to do business with a man whose behavior could be crude and confrontational didn’t have to. Or even as reality-TV star, where everyone to whom he said with his sadistic sneer, “You’re fired,” had all but asked for it.

But it does matter if someone like that moves on to the White House.

Nothing in the Constitution says a president has to be a role model for a whole nation’s behavior. But if the president isn’t, who is?

That’s why, while life was pretty good in the years that Bill Clinton served, I’ll never look back and call it a great presidency. His sexual liaisons…not to mention his semantically distorted denials… were a disgrace.

Now, as Trump’s steamroller keeps moving, we could be looking at a new kind of bad role model in the Oval Office: a tough-guy, a vengeful thug, a leader who believes it’s as suitable to strong-arm an opponent as it is to shake his hand and search for common ground.

We’re not talking here about policy conflicts. Candidates have always taken tough stands against their opponents’ political positions and public contradictions. That’s healthy.

But we’re talking now about a presidential prospect who makes everything personal. Marco Rubio is “a low-life,” Ted Cruz a “soft weak little baby.” Who knows, maybe he’s right. But that’s beside the point. Anyone who mentions anything about Trump’s many achilles heels is “a liar.” To say nothing of Trump’s repellent response after Fox New’s Megyn Kelly asked in the first debate about his characterizations of women as “fat pigs,” “dogs,” “disgusting animals.” Using coarser terms, he implied she was on her period.

Schools across this country are trying to build anti-bullying programs and reduce abuse that some kids suffer. But now we have a whole new phenomenon that threatens all that: the role model as a bully himself. Trump’s notion of role modeling is saying, when a protestor interrupts a rally, that he wants to “punch him in the face.” Or uttering of another, “Maybe he should have been roughed up.”

That’s not healthy. It’s sick.

But if Donald Trump goes the distance, that’s what we’re looking at while he claims to “make America great.” And it’s gone on so long, we can’t just blame Trump; we’ve got to blame every gullible American who thinks he’s the way out of our nation’s woes.

A recent news report quotes a memo written by two veteran Republican advisors, saying, “We want voters to imagine Donald Trump in the Big Chair in the Oval Office, with responsibilities for worldwide confrontation at his fingertips.” It’s not inconceivable that the worldwide confrontation they’re talking about would be of Donald Trump’s own making. That’s what we’re looking at too.

There are honest differences between candidates about how they’d run this country. Between his outsized ego, his uncontrollable insolence, and his inclination to attack anyone he doesn’t like, Trump would run it straight into the dump.

On Nancy Reagan

Others can speak to the strong political influence that Nancy Reagan had over her husband’s presidency.

I can only speak, from firsthand experience, to what a phenomenal political wife she was.

I probably watched her watch him give his “stump speech” five hundred times. Just about every presidential politician has one; it is the speech— make no mistake, the same speech— from campaign stop to campaign stop. Other than launching with something local like “HELLOOOOO, DES MOINES,” the candidate morphs almost instantly into the stump speech in which he covers taxes and the economy and education and the military and veterans and everything else that might win votes.

Then a plane ride later it’s “HELLOOOOO, DALLAS,” after which all the same topics get all the same attention. But in all the presidential candidates I’ve covered and there have been a lot, no one did it better than Ronald Reagan. Why? Because time after time as he said the very same things, he managed to look and sound like he was saying them for the very first time.

And here’s the thing about Nancy: she watched and listened and reacted, nodding at the right ideological lines and roaring at the right laugh lines, as if she was hearing them for the very first time. She wasn’t.

It couldn’t be easy. But if the day began with “HELLOOOOO, BOSTON,” then went through “HELLOOOOO, MIAMI,” “HELLOOOOO, CHICAGO,” “HELLOOOOO, LAS VEGAS,” then finally “HELLOOOOO, SEATTLE” before all of us on the campaign plane could finally say for three or four hours “HELLOOOOO, PRECIOUS PILLOW” before restarting the whole routine again, Nancy would always be on the first stage that next morning, fresh and ready to let people know that her husband was as smart and clever and funny to her as he was to them.

You tell me if you see this quality today in any of the spouses who are hoping to live in the White House.

And I’ll tell you something else I admired about Nancy Reagan. I did a story for the ABC show 20/20 about her anti-drug “Just Say No” campaign. Fair to say, it had mixed results. But Nancy Reagan didn’t. Here was this woman who could go home and sit on chairs once filled by the likes of Mary Todd Lincoln and Eleanor Roosevelt and Jacqueline Kennedy, but in the inner-city New York School where we filmed the First Lady, she brushed by the chair set aside for her and squatted on the floor with the kids. She related to them; they related to her.

Say what you will about her political influence; Nancy Reagan could be very down to earth. Her successors could learn a thing or two from what she did right.

On Political Realities

People sometimes call me a pessimist. It comes from me seeing not just best-case scenarios, but worst-case too. Makes me sound surly, but if “pessimist” equates with “realist,” I plead guilty.

Over my almost 40 years periodically covering the Middle East, I’ve never been hopeful about prospects for region-wide peace. Sad to say, I’ve been right. Over the dozen or more trips I’ve made to cover news in the Soviet Union and now Russia, I’ve never been confident that our nations will ever see eye-to-eye. So far, I’m right. Over the seven American presidential campaigns I’ve covered, not to mention the victors on whom I’ve reported, I’ve never found perfection in a president. Sorry, but that’s an irrefutable fact.

Which brings me to this year’s race, especially since Colorado is now briefly in every candidate’s crosshairs.

The two contenders generating the most passion are also generating— in some of us, anyway— the most pessimism. Remember, in my book, pessimism is a synonym for realism.

Take Donald Trump’s seductive slogan, “Make America Great Again.” Sure, it has a nice ring to it. Only trouble is, America’s already great. Yes, we have problems domestic and foreign and some are getting worse, but here’s the thing: we’ve always had problems, we’ll always have problems, no population in human history has ever prospered without problems. While it would be wonderful to wave a wand and simply make them disappear, Trump doesn’t own such a wand and neither does anyone else.

If that doesn’t sound realistic, you haven’t been paying attention.

Some of our problems can be laid on the doorstep of President Obama, some are the fault of George W. Bush (which then fell into Obama’s lap, little things like war and recession), and some are simply the inevitable upshot of a diverse democratic society that historically is governed by imperfect compromise as opposed to dictatorial certitude.

That’s a ration of realism too.

However, after covering news in more than 80 nations around the globe, I can say with grateful certitude that we’re still the greatest on earth. Does everyone agree? Not at all. But are we still admired around the world for our unending innovation, our moral compassion, our generous sacrifices, our limitless opportunities, and above all, our incomparable liberties? Yes we are, I have heard it from citizens standing on the world’s highest and lowest rungs, and seen it firsthand. As long as we don’t allow those attributes to ebb, we will be the greatest for generations to come.

And now to the Democrats. We have two running for their party’s nomination, and each is burdened with significant shortcomings. Hillary’s, while not to be discounted, are about her past. Bernie’s are about his future.

Free college all around? And single-payer health insurance? And a markedly higher minimum wage? And an epic war on Wall Street? Personally, my preference would be to live on the perfect planet that Sanders envisions. But that’s not going to happen. President Obama has run into roadblocks just trying to implement Sanders-lite. Do you actually think this White House hopeful, tagged with the damning label of “socialist,” has a snowball’s chance of success? Let’s get real.

What Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders have in common is this: they articulate an illness, but beyond unfulfillable elixirs, neither seems to have a clue about creating the cure. Or if either one does, he is keeping it very well hidden.

If more Republicans are backing Donald Trump than any other candidate, they are being snowed, plain and simple. If more Democrats are excited about Bernie Sanders than Hillary Clinton, they are setting themselves up for a blizzard of disappointment.

It’s pitiable that presidential elections sometimes come down to who’s the least bad, instead of who’s the most good. But they often do, and we’re there again this year. That’s not pessimistic; it’s just realistic.

On Assisted Death

Many years ago while covering a story in Seattle, a man sat on his living room couch and with his disconsolate but lucid wife right beside him, showed me the plastic dry-cleaner’s bag that she would soon use to suffocate herself. She had an irreversibly terminal disease, she lived a life of utter anguish, she wanted to die. But since the law said no one could legally help her accomplish her final aim without being subject to prosecution, she would have to do it on her own. What’s worse, she was quickly losing the ability to execute even the smallest independent act, so in the cruelest of incongruities, she would have to kill herself while physically she still could, before she was even ready.

That single experience, that one mournful morning, meeting a loving couple faced through no fault of their own with nothing but agonizing options and dismal decisions, shaped my support for the movement that generally is known as “Death with Dignity.” There would be little dignity dying in a plastic bag. But there would be even less if this woman were forced to slowly, painfully, cruelly crumble away until her final natural breath.

Today, Washington is on a roster of states— with Oregon, Vermont, Montana, California— that have legalized the right of a patient like her to die with help and with dignity, the right of everyone who lives within those states’ borders to save themselves from what might correctly be called a fate even worse than death. But while Republican opposition is strong, a bill this month in the Colorado legislature gives us the chance to join that compassionate roster.

The bill is called the “Colorado End of Life Options Act.” Simply put, it would make it legal for doctors to prescribe medication that would hasten death for terminally ill patients who want it. Although opponents are offering up all kinds of speculative scenarios, it wouldn’t force anyone to take a pill; to the contrary, it has significant safeguards built in.

For starters, to even be prescribed what was called an “aid-in-dying” medication, patients would have to attest to the final stages of a terminal illness, with professional physicians’ second opinions to confirm it. They would have to be judged of sound mind and personally make two oral requests for the fatal prescription, separated by at least 15 days, to prevent the temporary temptation of someone, say, who’s depressed, or the involuntary participation of someone, say, with a costly disability who’s feeling forced to consider suicide. Adversaries call it “assisted suicide” but even that isn’t accurate, because ultimately, anyone wanting to take advantage of the law would have to administer the medicine by themselves.

Just a few years ago, I produced and reported a whole hour-long program on the subject. We traveled to Switzerland, which has far more permissive laws than anything contemplated for Colorado. People don’t even have to justify their desire to die with dignity. In a nation that defines death as a human right, the only caveat in their law says that whomever assists in someone’s death cannot do so for personal gain. The police investigate every case.

We also traveled to the city of Leeds, in the United Kingdom, where a woman named Debbie Purdy had lived with multiple sclerosis for fourteen years. It had eaten away at her strength, her eyesight, her independence. And it hurt. She told me the time was coming when it would be more than she could bear, and that’s when she’d want to die. But as with the woman years earlier in Seattle, if her husband helped her in even the smallest way, he would be tried for “aiding and abetting” and face imprisonment.

Ms. Purdy told me what she told the British government when she successfully petitioned for permission for her husband to help: “It’s not a choice between life and death, it’s a choice between a painful prolonged and difficult death or a death that we are in control of and is less painful and traumatic for both us and the people all around us.”

The Colorado bill serves the same purpose. It would permit people doomed to a fate of only misery and no joy, to painlessly stop their suffering. To die with dignity. Death by suffocation in a plastic bag doesn’t come close.

On Jeb Bush

Note to Jeb Bush, who must be perplexed by his substandard standings in the first two electoral tests: for years I roamed around the United States with television news camera crews. Because the big camera made us pretty visible, we often got stopped by people pointing fingers (and sometimes jabbing them), saying stuff like, “You guys are making the President out to be…” and now, depending on who the president was at the time, you can fill in the blank: “a liar,” “a crook,” “a klutz,” “a fool.” It happened a lot when Nixon was President, but he wasn’t the only one. The accusation came from Right and Left alike.

My response to the charge that we were making a president seem like something he wasn’t was always pretty much the same: “Mister,” (or Madam), “we can’t make him look like a liar” (or a crook, or a klutz, or a fool) “without his help.”

Which brings me to the plight of the once-aspirational Bush Dynasty. Not so long ago, Jeb Bush was expected to dominate the nominating process. But Iowa, then New Hampshire, essentially became contests between candidates not-named-Bush. In Iowa, Jeb scored less than 3% of caucus support; it can’t feel good when news organizations name the post-caucus leaders but you’re listed with “others” (especially if you’re a Bush). In New Hampshire, he came in fourth; his percentage of the vote barely made it into double-digits. As one analyst put it, “It is not a good sign (for a campaign) when you have to drag in your 90-year-old mother.” Especially since the plain-spoken matriarch already had publicly proclaimed, “We’ve had enough Bushes.” Well, she might be getting her wish.

And that brings me to a New York Times report last month, when Jeb’s campaign already was teetering, entitled, “As Jeb Bush Struggles, Some Allies Blame His ‘Super Pac’.” Critics of the pro-Bush Political Action Committee said it had gone too far attacking some opponents with its $100-million war chest, and not far enough attacking others.

Translation: an often anemic aspirant like Jeb Bush can’t gain a grip but somehow it’s someone else’s fault, not Jeb’s. Look, personally I find Bush the most capable and maybe most likable of Republican candidates (although that’s not a high bar to meet in this field), while frontrunner Trump’s the most shallow and offensive. But it’s hard to deny that Trump’s oft-repeated anti-Bush attack-line seems accurate: “Jeb is low energy.”

Which brings me to my point here: Jeb can’t look “low energy” without his own help; the rest of us are just the messengers. After the GOP debate before Iowa, Politico’s chief political correspondent drew this unflattering picture: “Jeb Bush is like a Shakespeare protagonist wandering through a Charlie Sheen sitcom.” A week later, a friend and I were skiing but she wasn’t feeling her strongest, so she joked that she was having “a Jeb day.” Once the stigma starts to stick, it’s hard to shake it.

The race obviously isn’t over but Jeb’s momentum might be because times have changed. Candidates have to reflect their audience, a lot of it anyway. Sadly, today’s audience lives in a short-attention-span, quick-fix, celebrity-centric, high-energy society. Low energy just doesn’t cut it. Stirring simplicity— “It’s gonna be great”— evidently does.

Critics rail against the news media for putting the obnoxiously egocentric billionaire Trump center stage. But you know what? We can’t make him interesting (like a car wreck is interesting) without his help. I’ll give Trump credit for that one thing: he makes his own breaks.

Jeb Bush doesn’t. Don’t blame his PAC, don’t blame the media, don’t blame his mother, don’t even blame his brother. Just blame Jeb. So, note to all politicians: we can’t make you look poor in the eyes of voters without your help.

On the Colorado Department of Transportation

Back in the 1990s when I did a talk show on KOA Radio, if I was in my car and heard a blatantly bad road report (which could lead listeners to make misguided decisions based on wrong information), I could call KOA’s newsroom and tell them what they got wrong and almost immediately I’d hear it corrected on the air.

It’s not so easy with CDOT, the Colorado Department of Transportation, even though, with everything from maintenance to snow plows to guidance, helping us get around is its primary business. Putting out good information is important every day of the year but especially in wintertime when snow is flying and ice is forming and accidents are happening.

Not that we can’t quickly get information from CDOT. To the contrary, it’s as simple as calling 5-1-1 on your cell phone. In a typical storm, 15,000 to 20,000 motorists make that call; occasionally the number is twice as high. The trouble is, I check with CDOT’s 5-1-1 hotline a lot, but almost as often as not, the information in the recorded message is wrong.

What happened last Saturday night is typical. My wife and I were driving west on I-70 and snow had been falling full force for more than an hour. Eventually, visibility and road conditions got so bad, we called 5-1-1 to see if it was even prudent to keep going. And what did the recording say? “The road between Vail and Glenwood Springs is dry.”

Dry? We were on that very stretch of road in a full-scale blizzard. I couldn’t see either edge of the highway, let alone the lanes, and only barely the taillights in front of me. Then, as we were passing Eagle-Vail, there was a sheet of lightning— I didn’t even know you could get lightning in a winter blizzard— and all the lights in the business strip went out. But to hear CDOT tell it, it was smooth sailing.

Obviously, the report was outdated. But think about that: Outdated??? Sorry, but drivers don’t call 5-1-1 at six in the evening to find out how how things looked at three o’clock.

The solution? For one thing, every time CDOT updates a recording, give the time of day so we know how old it is and can evaluate it in that context. For another, CDOT’s got cameras, it’s got sources in law enforcement, so get it right. I know CDOT has a lot of issues to handle when the weather’s bad, but the tens of thousands of motorists who depend on its expertise to make safe choices about when and where to drive ought to be among them.

On Options in the Middle East

You’ve heard prescriptions for peace in the Middle East from plenty of high-profile pundits and politicians, and corresponding calls for conflict from others. But personally put to the test, some might have a problem pinpointing the region on a map.

Ambassador Dennis Ross isn’t one of them. As an advisor to four U.S. presidents (Reagan, Bush 41, Clinton, and Obama) and chief Middle East negotiator for two of them, he knows the area and its actors as much as anyone in America. Ross is qualified to paint an accurate picture of where this roiled region is headed and what, if anything, the United States can do about it. Last week he spoke to WorldDenver, which promotes our international profile, and because he’s an old friend, we talked together before the speech.

One verdict from the ambassador: if we are to combat the likes of the Islamic State, we can’t go it alone. Another verdict: notwithstanding some presidential candidates’ carpet-bombing bombast, we are in this mess for the long haul. Neither conclusion is comforting, but as I often preach, life isn’t always a fairy tale with a happy ending.

Ambassador Ross knows that firsthand. Although he was on President Obama’s first-term team, he just wrote a piece for the online magazine Politico with the headline, “How Obama Created a Mideast Vacuum.” Ross says of the president’s pursuit of proactive options for Syria, after he’d agitated to get us out of wars, “When he looked at Syria, he saw Iraq.” And while the president rightly asked with regard to each option, “Tell me where this ends?”, he failed to ask the other key question, “Tell me what happens if we don’t act?” We didn’t, not decisively, and what happened, in addition to barrel bombs and death and demolition throughout the country, was the spread of the Islamic State.

But while it can be instructive to look back on blunders by past presidents— especially if we could have any faith that succeeding presidents might be mindful of such mistakes and avoid them in the future— our challenge today is to figure out how to deal with the hand we’re holding now.

I’ve made it clear in preceding columns that I subscribe to the credo also articulated by Ambassador Ross: “Our choices… should not be reduced to doing nothing or putting massive numbers of troops on the ground.”

For example, he says, one choice still open to us, which falls between impotent inaction and inserting infantry, is to use air cover— “no fly zones”— to create a safe haven for refugees on accessible Syrian soil. Surely the Europeans would help, if only in their self-interest to diminish the deluge of refugees across their own borders. This not only could curtail the humanitarian crisis that this woeful war has produced, but it could provide a single place where Sunnis who abhor the jihadists, who also have Sunni roots, might speak against them with one voice. In other words, for the first time anywhere, organize the opposition.

Then, using that one clear and conspicuous voice, trigger a campaign to discredit the Islamic State. That doesn’t mean everyone would shout to the rooftops that the Islamic State is a bunch of brutal barbarians; we’ve tried that but recruits keep rolling in. What it means is, we’d marshall our Sunni allies to warn the world that for all its apocalyptic acclaim, it is a fringe sect of Islam that misreads and mistreats the Koran.

America’s options are lamentably limited. There is no guarantee that we could successfully orchestrate a safe haven or an effective Sunni-based propaganda campaign— or that Sunni leaders would make this a priority— or that it would work— but the alternative is to cede to the terrorists of the Islamic State and al-Queda and others, and let them spread their evil unabated. Which is no option at all.

On North Korea and the H-Bomb

Are we supposed to find some sort of comfort in the Wednesday news alerts telling us that western experts don’t believe North Korea’s claim that it detonated a hydrogen bomb— what the Hermit Kingdom called “An H-bomb of justice?” I sure don’t.

The New York Times headline was, “U.S. and South Korea doubt North Korean Hydrogen Bomb.” On, “North Korea claims to test hydrogen bomb; U.S. not so sure.” On The Denver Post’s website, “North Korea says it tested H-bomb to widespread skepticism.” As The Times put it, “The seismological data from the test was more in keeping with a simpler uranium- or plutonium-based atomic device.”

And that’s supposed to make me feel better? Here’s the problem with that: if it wasn’t a hydrogen bomb, it was still nuclear. If it didn’t even pack the punch of the atomic bombs we dropped over Japan in World War Two (experts estimate the equivalence of 6 kilotons of TNT in the North Korean device, versus 15 in Hiroshima), it’s still enough explosive energy to do us a lot of harm. Hardly cause to take comfort.

And here’s how they might most likely do us harm. Not by sending a warhead toward our mainland. We have good reason to believe that North Korea is prioritizing the production of long-range missiles, but our experts don’t believe they have the technical ability yet to create a warhead that could withstand the heat of launch and the speed of transit.

Mind you, the experts could be wrong. But a political analysis would conclude that while North Korea’s leadership is ditzy, it’s not suicidal. We leave that for the radical Muslim terror groups.

And even assuming the experts are correct, warheads delivered by missiles aren’t the only way North Korea can try to hurt us. Intelligence sources, while they don’t want to alarm the American people, say they’re more worried in the near future about something coming out of North Korea far more portable and far more likely: a so-called “dirty bomb,” or something similar whose name tells the whole story, a “suitcase bomb.”

Suffice to say, terrorists are in touch with North Korea, which intelligence analysts believe might be putting weapons like these, or at least their technology, in the terrorists’ hands. Think of the possibilities. You can bet the bad guys are thinking about them every day of the week.

So it’s all about context. North Korea exploded something that registered seismically on the Richter Scale. Uranium, plutonium, hydrogen, “just” nuclear, it doesn’t matter. I hope the United States is not putting all its eggs in one basket, on the wrong side of the world.

On Jefferson and the Constitution

Every president in modern times has said something memorable. In matters sometimes momentous, sometimes mundane.

Ronald Reagan, probably the most persuasive president of the 20th Century, determinedly demanded in a divided Berlin, “Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall.” Franklin Roosevelt calmed the country in the depths of the Depression by insisting in his first inaugural address, “The only thing we have to fear is fear itself.”

John F. Kennedy set the inspirational tone of his short-lived leadership when he implored Americans during his inaugural address, “Ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do for your country.” It’s not certain that Harry Truman ever actually uttered his four most famous words formally, but the sign on his desk was one to remember (although over time, some leaders have carelessly forgotten it): “The buck stops here.”

Of course other presidents have produced unforgettable quotes about their personal misbehavior, which they wished we could forget. Bill Clinton’s emphatic if evasive assertion at a news conference, “I did not have sexual relations with that woman.” And, never to be forgotten, Richard Nixon’s simple if dishonest declaration, “I am not a crook.”

George W. Bush might have wished he could retract his confident claim under that infamous “Mission Accomplished” banner that “Major combat operations in Iraq have ended,” which he proclaimed in May, 2003, when combat ops were anything but ended. His father had his own unforgettable oath that he wished he could take back, from his acceptance speech after being nominated for President: “Read my lips: no new taxes.” His lips lied.

I bring all this up because none of these quotes, meaningful as they are, holds a candle to the words of our third president, Thomas Jefferson. It’s not something he said— beyond the Gettysburg Address, relatively few presidential speeches have stood the test of time— but something he wrote, a letter to a fellow Virginian in 1816. When you read Jefferson’s words, apply his wisdom to the body politic today, and to the seemingly insurmountable acrimony over the implications and intent of the Constitution. Think everything from federal sovereignty (the wildlife refuge in Oregon) to natural born citizens (Ted Cruz) to guns (everywhere).

“Some men look at constitutions with sanctimonious reverence, and deem them like the ark of the covenant, too sacred to be touched. They ascribe to the men of the preceding age a wisdom more than human, and suppose what they did to be beyond amendment. I knew that age well; I belonged to it, and labored with it. It deserved well of its country.”

You can see Jefferson’s quill pen beginning to drip with disenchantment.

“I am certainly not an advocate for frequent and untried changes in laws and constitutions. I think moderate imperfections had better be borne with; because, when once known, we accommodate ourselves to them, and find practical means of correcting their ill effects.”

Although a “strict constructionist,” Jefferson got it right. The trouble today is, some imperfections are far from moderate. Which he seemed to see coming.

“Laws and institutions must go hand in hand with the progress of the human mind. As that becomes more developed, more enlightened, as new discoveries are made, new truths disclosed, and manners and opinions change with the change of circumstances, institutions must advance also, and keep pace with the times. We might as well require a man to wear still the coat which fitted him when a boy, as civilized society to remain ever under the regimen of their barbarous ancestors.”

In this era when we clash over the connotation of certain clauses in the Constitution, we might well benefit from the views of the man who wrote its precursor, the Declaration of Independence. Two hundred years ago, he saw what some of us can’t see today: that our world would change, and our Constitution must breathe enough to accommodate it.

On the Lesser of Two Evils

When debating her Democratic rivals about Syria, and whether the United States should be battling the barbaric Islamic State or the brutal President Bashar al-Assad or both, Hillary Clinton said last Saturday night, “I wish it could be either-or.”

Mrs. Clinton, it could be. What’s more, it has to be. And the reason came from the candidate whose prescriptions sometimes are more quixotic than practical, Senator Bernie Sanders, who put it in the starkest of terms: “It is not Assad who is attacking the United States.”

What Sanders was saying was, let’s get real. Yes, Assad indiscriminately kills his own citizens without losing a night’s sleep— a quarter million and counting, by Clinton’s accurate account— but as atrocious as that is, it is not a direct threat to our own security. As we saw in San Bernardino and will likely see again, the Islamic State is. Put in my own stark terms, Assad is out to get his own people; the Islamic State is out to get us.

It pains me to say this, to suggest that for now anyway, we should save our energy and leave Assad where he is. I’ve covered too many savage dictators, from Assad’s own father in Syria to Muammar Gaddafi in Libya to Saddam Hussein in Iraq to the Shah of Iran, tyrants who would just as soon torture you as shake your hand. I’ve seen some of their horrible handiwork with my own two eyes. It wasn’t pretty. Nobody has to tell me what bad guys they were. When each one died, I didn’t shed a tear.

But in each case, look what replaced them: barrel bombs in Syria, anarchy in Libya, chaos in Iraq, and the Islamic Republic of Iran. Is the world better off? Are the sorry souls of those very nations better off? Are we better off? The answer, unapologetically, is no.

This is the foundation of realpolitik: relationships based on our practical needs, not on our moral ideologies.

Take the Shah, for example. He was a bad guy, but he was our bad guy. He gave us an eye into the missile fields of the Soviet Union during the Cold War. And a guarantee, when we needed it, of oil. Realpolitik.

Or our present-day alliance with Saudi Arabia. The men who run the country are two-faced swine. But you know what? When we need a base of operations in the Middle East, or diplomatic influence in the Arab world, they’re on our side. Or would we prefer to see the Islamic State breathing down their necks too?

So we turn the other cheek. We have to. It’s still about the lesser of two evils. Whoever becomes president needs to see the world this way. There is no choice.

On Fear & ISIL

Almost 20% of Americans now put terrorism at the top of their index of anxieties, more than the percentage perturbed about the economy, healthcare, climate change, crime, or anything else. Only a month ago in the same poll, the number was just 4%. Another nationwide poll says almost 30% of Americans believe that they, or a loved one, will be the victim of a terrorist attack.

Which is no surprise. We’re scared. After San Bernardino, it’s not just someone else’s problem any more. It’s the enemy within. And there might be more. That’s the scariest part of all.

The Islamic State has an almost inexplicable appeal for alienated young people. I reported on the disaffected masses over the years from the Middle East but now we’ve got some here too. The allure is rooted in an aspiration for otherwise unimaginable power and acceptance, retribution and religion. And for some sickos, savagery. Can we contain it, let alone wipe it out? With its culture, and suicidal zeal, now contaminating almost every continent, that will be somewhere between terribly punishing and near-impossible to accomplish. If you heed history from Vietnam to Iraq and Afghanistan, you’ll see that Ted Cruz’s “carpet-bombing” plan won’t do it, nor Donald Trump’s ban on Muslims. Nor, by the way, will Islamophobic hostility toward local Muslims, as reported last weekend by The Post.
Meantime, President Obama has clairvoyantly claimed, “ISIL will not pose an existential threat to us.” No, human existence itself might not be threatened, but as individuals, our very existence can be snuffed out in an instant if we are caught in the next San Bernardino. The President was careless to convey a false sense of security by implying that our intelligence agencies and domestic defenses can incontrovertibly protect every last one of us. His subsequent Oval Office speech further failed to allay our angst. And don’t expect his appearances this week, meant to strengthen the case for his strategy against Islamic terror, to turn those pessimistic poll numbers around.

Not that he could, because the Islamic State-inspired attacks in California came out of nowhere and for that alone, they were scary. But here’s some advice: don’t act scared. Not because of the oft-heard opinion that “If we change the way we live, we’re letting them win,” although there’s some merit to that. No, the reason is, acting scared won’t do you any good. Should you act wary? Sure. Observant? Absolutely. Maybe even ready, whatever that means. But scared? Not unless you want an ulcer.

I could back that up philosophically by simply saying, it’s useless to worry about things you can’t control. What are you going to do if you agonize that an attack might occur around every corner you turn? Sit out the next Broncos game? Stay away from your workplace Christmas party? Keep those shabby shoes another year because your mall might be the next target?

Sure, in woeful retrospect, that kind of crowd avoidance would have saved some lives in San Bernardino. But no one had a crystal ball then, and no one has one now. All we can assess to make decisions about our daily lives are the odds of being the next victims of murderous madmen. Based on those odds, crowd avoidance is almost pointless, not to mention unproductive. If you start breaking it down into percentages— the number of people victimized the day of the shootings versus the number in San Bernardino overall, or the number of San Bernardinos attacked that day versus the thousands of communities untouched— the odds are higher that you’ll be struck by lightning. What are you going to do with that; just never go outside?

The fact still is, the chance that you or I or anyone we love become the next victims of Islamic terrorists (or any others) are comfortably, almost infinitesimally low. We win by not running scared.

On Reporting the News

Right on the front page of The Denver Post Wednesday morning, you could read that Donald Trump’s proposal to prohibit Muslims from entering the country “marked a sudden and sizable escalation… in the inflammatory and sometimes dangerous rhetoric of the candidate.” The article went on to compare Trump’s rhetoric to “the racially based appeals of then-Alabama Governor George Wallace,” and “the anti-Semitic diatribes of the radio preacher Charles Coughlin.”

Remember, this wasn’t here on the op-ed page where it should have been; it was on the front page of the paper. And those phrases weren’t quotes from Trump’s widening class of critics; they came from the author of the piece himself, Dan Balz, the chief correspondent for The Washington Post, where it originally had been published the day before. Mind you, The Denver Post labeled it “analysis,” but given that Balz is a reporter, not a commentator, the point might be lost on a lot of Page One readers.

That same day, NBC Nightly News ended its broadcast with a story about Trump’s proposal, which anchorman Lester Holt introduced this way: “History is replete with examples of what happens when fear and intolerance take hold and an entire category of people is marginalized, as Tom Brokaw remembers.” Then former anchor Brokaw said, “Trump’s statement, even in a season of extremes, is a dangerous proposal that overrides history, the law, and the foundation of America itself.”

Sadly, you’ll find this kind of thing almost everywhere. This past week in The New York Times, reporters referred to Trump’s “divisive phrases” and “the dark power” of his words. In news stories, not opinion columns.

Excuse me, but if reporters do their jobs right and give us just the facts, can’t the audience decide what’s dangerous and what’s not, what’s dark and what’s not, and whether Trump’s rhetoric resembles “racially based appeals” or “anti-Semitic diatribes?” Although I think it’s absurd to even hint at anti-Semitism in Trump’s case, I can buy the rest and personally agree with the deluge of denunciation from both ends of the political spectrum. But once reporters tell us about it, it’s our job to figure out what we think about it. Not theirs’.

As a reporter myself until getting into the business of commentary, I have tried to defend my profession from the widespread impression that we put our biases into our stories. Sometimes I have tried by example (as best I could), and sometimes by argument. This week though, my efforts have been trashed, by the very people I’ve long tried to defend.

The issue at stake here isn’t whether Trump’s proposal would be effective (who knows?!), or constitutional (some scholars say, maybe it would be), or even moral (you’ll get a split decision in this country on that). The issue is whether we want someone else, namely journalists, to “steer” us toward our conclusions. For the greater good of the nation, we don’t.

The people who report the news have one job and one job only: to collect the facts and deliver them. They should stick to it.

On Extremist Candidates

I just saw a cartoon where one character says to the other, “One surprising thing about having an uninformed opinion is finding that so many people agree with you.” That might help explain why support is still so strong for the preeminent Republicans in the presidential race. I don’t really have to name names, do I?

What’s unnerving is, the most uninformed also are the most extreme. From economics to the exercise of American power to the elimination of American altruism, pragmatism is out, extremism is in.

Anyone could assert that this is true on both ends of the spectrum. Arguably, Democrat Bernie Sanders preaches extremely quixotic social shifts. Arguably, Hillary Clinton seems extremely untrustworthy.

But for all their many flaws, the leading Democrats don’t hold a candle to Donald Trump or Ben Carson, where extremism shows up in everything from populism to preparedness. Both are extremely loose with the facts; both are extremely unprepared to lead the free world.

Not that extremism in modern American politics is anything new. In the 1960s, right-wing Arizona Senator Barry Goldwater proudly proclaimed as the Republican party’s presidential candidate, “Extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice.” Politically though, it was. Democratic incumbent Lyndon Johnson, although he was expanding the Vietnam War, crushed him.

Then in the 1970s, left-wing South Dakota Senator George McGovern vaulted to the Democratic party’s nomination. I covered that campaign, watching him win primaries by tapping into increasingly angry opposition to the war in Vietnam. But McGovern ideologically was so far from his own party’s mainstream, let alone the nation’s political center, that he was trounced by incumbent Richard Nixon, winning only one liberal state. (Old-timers might remember the bumper strip as Nixon subsequently pulled the nation into a political sinkhole: “Don’t blame me, I’m from Massachusetts.”)

In several parts of Europe, I’ve covered a different kind of extremism, like France’s racist, anti-Semitic political party, The National Front. European nationalists always attract a noisy crowd. But in national elections— although regrettably this could change after the massacres in Paris— they never win even a quarter of the vote.

And so it goes, I prophesy with caution, with Carson and Trump. Time Magazine says of American voters today, “They want a fighter, not an expert witness.” Fair enough, these guys are fighters. The question is, if they win the fight, what do they do with the trophy? Carson usually seems extremely confused; he didn’t understand the difference between the nation’s deficit and the national debt and, according to a cynical description on Politico, he thinks the Kurds “are a special kind of Wisconsin cheese.” And Trump? He’s not just extremely nasty and rude, but his answer to how he’ll fix our predicaments still sometimes comes down to, “It’s gonna be great,” and “They’re gonna love me,” and “I’ll hire the best.” Says who?

As almost every pundit has finally figured out, these guys are tapping into something that defies conventional wisdom and reflects public contempt for the status quo. So a significant slice of society skews toward these extremists. As former House Speaker Newt Gingrich says with undeniable understatement, “The American people… want decisive change.”

The trouble is, “decisive” isn’t necessarily “better.” Or even as good. “Decisive” has appeal because it sounds like a synonym for solutions. But they often are simple solutions. Unworkable solutions. And ultimately, unacceptable solutions. That’s what extremism means in the presidential race today.

There certainly are signs that I’m misreading it, but I cling to the belief that the mainstream of Americans, like the mainstream of Europeans, repudiate extremism. Right now, Trump and Carson have set fires to traditional thinking. But if history repeats itself, they will run up against a firewall, namely, the time-honored temperance of the American people.

Firewalls usually protect us in the cyber world. Hopefully, they protect us in the political world too.

On Bad Wars

Some Americans are agitating for war. Not a war we chose, not even a war we can afford, but maybe a war we can’t afford to avoid. It would be a war executed in our own self-defense, and in defense of the West. A war whose aim would be, to quote the French prime minister, to “annihilate” the enemy.

I only wish it were that easy.

Philosophically, I’m not against war. Sometimes there is no choice, and with the Islamic State triggering its sadistic global jihad in the short space of two weeks, this might be one of those times.

But, I am against bad wars. Sometimes that means wars fought on false premises— Vietnam and Iraq both qualify. And sometimes, even when the cause is valid, like this one, it means a war we really can’t win. This might be one of those, because our enemy isn’t only the Islamic State. It is its cells, its affiliates, its wannabes spreading their onerous ideology around the world. It is also still al-Qaeda, the Islamic Front, the al-Nusra Front, and literally hundreds of other odious armies that awaken with a savage smile every time any of them takes a fatal swipe against the West.

And it only gets worse, because our more potent enemy isn’t an army, it is an ideology, an evil ideology that now makes every man, woman, and child in the Western world a target— whether or not they’ve ever fired a weapon in war, or dropped a bomb in war, or even set foot in a zone of war. This is the definition, the very epitome, of terrorism. Carpet-bomb Syria, carpet-bomb Iraq, put boots on the ground, assemble the biggest coalition ever seen. Fine. The raging and retributive side of me is on board. But the rational side of me says, with history as our guide, bombs and bullets won’t annihilate omnipresent evil.

At the very moment Friday that victims started dying in Paris, I was giving a talk about terrorism to several hundred people, sponsored by the Denver-based Counterterrorism Education Learning Lab, CELL, and I told them two things about practical problems with this war on terrorism.

One is, the Islamic State doesn’t just hold sway over parts of Iraq and Syria. It has reared its ruthless head as far south as the middle of Africa, as far east as Uzbekistan, as far north as the Caucuses in Russia… and then throw in the rest of the Middle East.

The other thing is, American intelligence assets on the Islamic State’s turf are limited. And because journalists can lose their heads just for showing up, Western news organizations simply don’t any more. The upshot is, firsthand information about the tactics, the strategies, the membership, the aspirations of these terrifying groups is next-to-none. That can lead to ill-informed decisions in the West and even worse outcomes.

Remember, we put as many as 140,000 troops into Afghanistan, bolstered by thousands more from allied governments. The result? Afghanistan is still a mess, the Taliban is still alive and well, al-Qaeda has safe havens in a dozen other places, and more than 2,300 Americans are dead.

Paris, Beirut, the Sinai, they are a whole new chapter in this war, probably just the start of a scary new chapter that we don’t know how to close. Since 9/11, the chilling chant of “Death to America” has basically been bloodless. But today, we hear machine-guns and bombs and grenades and they are not bloodless. The whole of the Western world is now part of the war zone. With more blood, and no happy ending, in sight.

I’m not against a full-fledged attack. I just don’t know if it will cost us more than we gain. And as history also tells us, neither do the politicians, the generals, or the President.

On the Metrojet Airbus Tragedy

Did you notice, the two nations with the most at stake if a bomb brought down the Metrojet Airbus last week over the Sinai— Egypt and Russia— were the most ardent in looking for any explanation but a bomb.

Egypt’s motives are pretty obvious: if its security can’t stop something like that, then tourism will stop cold, period. Dependent on tourism for roughly half of its foreign currency reserves, not to mention more than one out of every twenty jobs, Egypt can’t afford that.

Russia’s motives are more covert. And point straight at its president, Vladimir Putin.

Far be it for me to psychoanalyze Putin. But let’s go this far, anyway: those cold eyes, that cold heart, they don’t give us the warm fuzzies but they aren’t the measures of the man. His actions are. Like Crimea, and Syria. Like Crimea, and Syria. And his inaction too, like Metrojet. Blaming a “terrorist bomb” is simply the last resort for President Putin.

That’s because the thinking behind it is, ISIS planted a bomb on the Russian plane in retaliation for Russia’s robust swoop into Syria. Russia’s aviation minister scolded Metrojet for asserting that the cause of the crash couldn’t have been either mechanical or human error and must be blamed on “external influence;” there were certainly some strong signs to impugn that assertion, but there were equally strong signs to support it. From holes protruding outward through the fuselage, to Israel’s intercepted ISIS communications, to the declaration by ISIS itself that “We downed it, so die in your rage.” This is hardly a group whose word we trust, but the fact is, they’ve proved themselves smart enough in the past not to make claims they cannot support.

The trouble for Putin is, that’s the last thing in the world he wants his people to believe. His motives for involving Russia in the Middle East mess are manyfold— from protecting its assets in Syria to making the United States look impotent to simply getting skin in the game— but from all the reporting I’ve done from Russia, I’m convinced that the single strongest reason is to wave the flag of nationalism, which his people suck up. He reassures them that “We were a superpower once; now we have retaken our rightful place on the world stage.”

And it seems to work. Putin’s newest reported approval rating in Russia, albeit subject to skepticism, is nearly 90%.

So although finally last weekend, the president suspended flights from Russia to Egypt, you can expect that he will only be dragged kicking and screaming to a public conclusion that an ISIS bomb killed 224 of his kinsmen. None of us should jump to conclusions, but Putin has seemed reluctant to for all the wrong reasons.

On Troops in Syria

So President Obama is sending “fewer than 50” Special Ops troops into Syria. I know he wasn’t even born yet when we sent our first troops to Vietnam, and wasn’t yet a teenager when we finally pulled out. But he must know the facts: more than half-a-million Americans on the ground at the peak of the war, almost 60,000 killed, more than 150,000 wounded, many still dysfunctional to this day.

Which raises these questions: What has the President learned from history? And, are we condemned to repeat it?

A common phrase that characterized Vietnam was “mission creep.” First we had a few hundred advisors, then we sent in combat GIs, then we staged air raids, and then, when we still weren’t achieving our goals (which, like Iraq 40 years later, kept changing), the United States abruptly raised its troop levels from 23,000 one year to 185,000 the next and eventually to that peak number of half-a-million-plus.

And yet, while it’s still not popular to say it bluntly, we lost anyway.

Today? President Obama seems to be ignoring the lessons briefly learned from the treasure we lost: When you’re trying to fix something bad, there are lots of things you can attempt, but precious few that you can achieve.

So now what we’re doing is supplementing local soldiers who are fighting ISIS (which the White House calls ISIL). The way White House press secretary Josh Earnest put it was, “The responsibility that they have is not to lead the charge to take a hill, but rather to offer advice and assistance to those local forces about the best way they can organize their efforts to take the fight to ISIL or to take the hill inside of Syria.”

The problem is, it’s not just ISIS fighting for each hill. It’s the Islamic Front. And the al-Nusra Front. By one estimate, there are about a thousand rebel groups in Syria, all battling for a piece of the action. Including, for good measure, al Qaeda.

Which means, there will be a lot of hills to take. A lot of hills to defend. And if history is any guide, a lot of hills that fall back into enemy hands. Press secretary Earnest also said last week, “These forces do not have a combat mission.” What that means is, they don’t… until they do.

Look at more recent history. In Iraq, ISIS overran the American-trained-and-funded Iraqi army to capture major cities like Fallujah and Ramadi. In Afghanistan, the Taliban overran the American-trained-and-funded Afghan army to capture the provincial capital of Kunduz.

There’s simply no denying, what we’ve done in both those countries hasn’t worked. Some will disagree with that conclusion, but I base it on something I’ve seen in each of the eight wars I’ve covered: Passion trumps everything else. It doesn’t have to be passion for anything we believe in as Americans, it just has to be passion to fight, passion to triumph, passion to die. Somehow, the jihadist fighters from ISIS and al Qaeda and the Taliban and others have shown an intensity of passion that the poorly paid soldiers of our allies haven’t shown. That helps explain why, they haven’t won.

I’m not a dove. I’m a hawk if 1) The cause is just, and 2) The gains are likely to mightily outweigh the losses. Well, you can put a checkmark next to #1; the cause is just. But #2? With mission creep like this, history is not on our side.

Which comes full circle to the question: Why are we now about to do something else that probably won’t work?

What President Obama doesn’t seem to see is, for a variety of reasons, allied armies tend to lose the war if we don’t fight it for them. So, if we’re not all in, we ought to be all out.

On Afghanistan

I don’t get it. I really don’t get it.

President Obama has decided to slow down— actually, for a while, stop— our withdrawal from Afghanistan. Toward what end?

At the peak of our presence there, we had 100,000 American troops on the ground. More than 2,300 died. Several times as many came home physically or mentally maimed. And what did it buy us? A temporary lull in the terror of the Taliban, that’s all. They didn’t disappear, they weren’t obliterated, they just went underground in some parts of the country and continued to persecute other parts and now they’re back in fairly full force, assaulting remote Afghan cities and murdering citizens who in any way worked with the West and threatening progressive Afghan women and reintroducing brutal governance that makes us shudder.

To be fair, our invasion did give us the temporary satisfaction of putting Al Qaeda, which was hosted by the Taliban and the central target of our attack, on the run. But what they did was run to almost a dozen different countries in the Middle East and Africa. In other words, the savages who attacked us on September 11th fled from a remote safe haven in one of the most primitive parts of Asia to several safe havens in other countries with gateways closer— and thus more threatening— to the West.

By imposing a temporary halt on our withdrawal, can we turn that around? I don’t think so. I just saw in a news report that this war, which began just a month after the 9/11 attacks, has now lasted longer than World War One, World War Two, and the Civil War combined. That alone ought to tell us— and the President— that it’s probably a lost cause.

But my point isn’t just that we haven’t defeated the enemy in fourteen years and therefore we aren’t likely to defeat them now (with a much reduced American force, no less). It is that the President’s stated purpose for staying longer than planned is to support the Afghan Army.

I’m sorry, but have you been watching the Afghan Army? Just a few weeks ago, they couldn’t keep a ragtag regiment of only a few hundred Taliban from the city of Kunduz. I don’t like to make predictions— it is a departure from fact-based reporting and runs against a journalist’s grain— but call me pessimistic; I wouldn’t expect to see them suddenly turn into a fighting force worth fearing.

Why not? Because I’ve been in Afghanistan and unlike, say, the United States of America, Afghanistan is not the kind of place where nationalism runs so deep that it’s worth your life to preserve it. Nationalism means you are proud of your country for its history, its culture, its power, its achievements. Through no fault of its own, you won’t find that kind of pride, that kind of nationalism, in Afghanistan. Many soldiers join the army there only for a paycheck. When the Taliban offers more, some defect.

Look at it this way: America is a principle. A set of principles, really. Politics notwithstanding, when Americans die for their nation— whether to preserve its principles or to safeguard its security— they know what they are dying for: liberty, morality, democracy, decency.

Afghanistan is a tribal society. As I’ve seen in other backward nations, tribes are a stronger bond for people than their borders. So when Afghan soldiers are asked to die for their nation, it is hard for them to know why. They might detest the dark designs of the Taliban, but that doesn’t offer the same level of motivation to put their lives on the line as the principles that motivate us. It’s the difference between having something to fight for, versus something to fight against.

I support President Obama’s longtime wish to get us out of these endless wars. He should stay the course.

On the Reporting of Mass Murders

Make a list of all the ways anyone thinks we can reduce mass murders. It will run from less violence in entertainment to more mental health services, and cover the irreconcilable spectrum from “fewer guns in society” to “more guns.”

But the potential (if only partial) solution that’s getting more attention now with each successive mass murder— what a pathetic four words to have to write— is something that only the news media can implement: stop paying attention to the murderer. Don’t examine his background, don’t publicize his motives, don’t even mention his name.

This sentiment has grown so strong that the sheriff whose officers responded last week to the Oregon shooting said afterward, “Let me be very clear: I will not name the shooter.” He appealed to the media to act the same way, to avoid “any glorification and sensationalization of him.” As a related analysis in The Post put it this past Sunday, law enforcement officials hope that such a stance “will reduce the chance of (mass murderers’) notoriety and keep their actions from inspiring others.”

Maybe. With the Oregon mass murderer, evidence supports it. The New York Times cited “a string of online postings that showed he had become increasingly interested in other high-profile shootings,” and quotes a recent entry: “Seems the more people you kill, the more you’re in the limelight.”

But as the Post analysis also said, investigators sometimes use what they learn in news reports about these mass murders to better understand the signals that someone might have missed and, hopefully, better comprehend what it will take to prevent more massacres down the road.

I want to add another argument— at risk of supporting an increasingly unpopular policy— why the news media should not suppress anything it uncovers about the villains who perpetrate these massacres (while also reporting on the innocent victims of their violence).

The argument is simple: we already make countless subjective but unavoidable decisions about the news you get. They are decisions without which the pages of this newspaper would be empty. They run from what stories to cover to where to place them in the newspaper or broadcast; from who to interview to what questions to ask to which parts of each interview to use in the story; from what to say at the top of the piece to how to end it; from what to include amongst the facts to be reported, to what to leave out.

Do you really want us to also make decisions about what to report and what to ignore, based on our perceptions of your morality, your politics, or in this case, your security? If a journalist thinks abortions are a moral malignancy, would you really want him or her to curtail coverage of the controversial topic? If a political reporter concludes that Donald Trump’s presidential candidacy is a travesty, do you really think he or she ought to stop reporting on it?

Which brings us back to mass murders. Will you be satisfied if someone like me, or another journalist out in the field or back in the newsroom, makes a godlike decision that society will be safer if we don’t report on certain aspects of the crime? A letter writer to The Post over the weekend says yes, writing, “… maybe somewhere down the line someone won’t follow through on their evil plans because they don’t think it will bring them the notoriety they crave.”

Maybe, or maybe not. But it can become an awfully slippery slope.

Over the weekend, The Denver Post ran this question on the op-ed page: “Should the news media refrain from using the names of shooters when reporting on mass shootings such as Thursday’s attack in Roseburg, Ore.?” Although not a scientific survey, the sentiment was clear: XX% said yes.

The citizen part of me agrees. The journalist part is still not so sure.

What Would Jesus Do?

“What would Jesus do?” That’s the question many people ask when trying to figure out the right way to act. But for now, forget that. With the inundation of immigrants still putting Europe into panic, let’s make it more personal: “What would you do?”

But I’m not asking what you would do if you were a citizen of Europe, let alone a leader. No, what I’m asking is, what would you do if you were one of those poor souls from Syria, Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, or any of the dozen other nations where war and terrorism have made life not just unbearable, but untenable? Would you flee with your family, or would you just wait where you are and take your punishment?

For many who’re running from the horrors that invaded their world (for which, by the way, we bear some blame either because of what we’ve done or, with Syria in particular, because of what we haven’t done), those are the only choices they have.

And yet one of my friends, responding to my last column about these refugees, wrote back, “Immigration without assimilation is invasion.” How very charitable. But I’m sure he speaks for many. My response is, these people had to make a choice: death at the hands of one invasion, or life as a part of another. Perhaps said more simply, they chose to let their children live, not die.

Put in their shoes, I’d do exactly the same thing: get away, get anywhere that gives my family and me a chance not just at a decent life, but a chance at life, period. We can quibble about how oppressive life would have to be before we’d abandon everything we know, and own, to strike out for a strange land that’s not likely to greet us with a smile. But that’s just a matter of degrees.

Of course it’s the scale of this migration that makes it all so difficult. If there was just a handful of families fleeing, they would be charitably absorbed and we’d never hear a peep about it. But the scale shouldn’t matter. Either helping people who have fled for their lives is the right thing to do, or it’s not.

People escaping death are the most desperate souls on earth. The only reason we’re not in their shoes is that we’re luckier than they are, not smarter, just luckier, by virtue of our birth.

So if you’re among those who are slamming these migrants for “invading” Europe, try to think about it that way and see if it changes anything.

If it doesn’t, then all I can say is, I hope this kind of thing never happens to you.

On Refugees

I just saw a sign on a door that said, “Refugees welcome.” It was last week when I was in Bosnia. Bosnia, in which an estimated hundred thousand people were killed, and from which several hundred thousand became refugees themselves, during the brutal Balkan wars in the first half of the 1990s.

Then I saw a huge poster along a highway that said “Refugee Humanitarian Concert.” This was the next day driving into Croatia, parts of which were bombarded with bullets and artillery during those recent years of conflict, leaving twenty thousand Croatian citizens dead, many murdered in a mad maelstrom of ethnic cleansing.

Bosnia, Croatia, two of the half dozen nations whose wounds from that round of religious and ethnic warfare still haven’t wholly healed. Yet today, they are in the middle of another mess, with Croatia the newest choke point in the flight of desperate people from the wide arc of warfare in the Middle East, Asia, and Africa.

These are two nations that understand what it means to be a refugee. What it means to escape with your children, your spouse, your parents, the clothes on your back and nothing more. They know what it means to run from hate and hunger and enemies whose only grudge against you is the ethnicity in your DNA, or the religion to which you were born. They are nations with a painfully recent firsthand perspective on what it means to escape with your life… if you are lucky. And now, they have a firsthand view of other human beings in the same frightening flight.

I don’t know what I would do if I were a leader in one of the many European nations like these, besieged by citizens from another world, suddenly surging like a raging river into mine. I’m glad to see the small signs I’ve seen that there is at least some level of human compassion that transcends the practical issues of how to actually handle this flood of people who have no home, no food, no job, not even the basic language skills to survive in my society. Would I make it my country’s policy to welcome all who cross my borders? Would I even post a small sign on my door that reads, “Refugees welcome?” Like I said, I just don’t know.

But what I do know is, my own good fortune of birth in the United States of America wasn’t thanks my superior intelligence or driving ambition or anything else. It was thanks to my grandparents, all four of them, who courageously came to America a hundred years ago in the boiling bellies of big boats because they were fleeing from religious pogroms in Russia and Poland. They were refugees.

And I’m far from the only American like that. With everyone from Irish-Americans to Vietnamese-Americans to Somali-Americans to Hispanic-Americans to Afro-Americans, chances are that your life in America has its roots in refugees. In fact today in our nation there are citizens who fled from almost every corner of the earth because they would starve, or be oppressed, or enslaved, or killed if they chose to stay. Even descendants of the Pilgrims are descendants of refugees.

Despite seemingly impossible odds— like the Third World refugees who are descending on Europe right now— our ancestors didn’t turn back. And thanks to the compassion of others who’d come before them or had the lucky break of being born in the USA, they found their footing and acquired some skills and learned the language and eventually became thoroughly American.

Today’s refugees in Europe, coming in such a torrent, are sure to change the very face of the societies in which they end up. It’s not what anyone would choose. But that was also said about your ancestors, and mine. In the end, our society changed for the better. We are the proof.

The Essential Role of the Journalist

Why do you think it is that you know anything at all about ISIS? Or Al Qaeda? Or the war in Syria, the war in Libya, the war in Yemen, the war in Gaza, the war in Iraq, the war in Afghanistan, the war in Ukraine?

Journalists, that’s why.

Journalists of course aren’t the only ones whose lives are on the line in wars. There are professional soldiers and homegrown militias, aid workers and medical personnel, and just plain civilians caught in the line of fire. But the people day in and day out who are risking their lives to tell you what’s going on in the big bad world out there are the journalists.

I worked wars for a long time, dodging everything from artillery to bullets to machetes. In one particularly bad year, I was lucky and made it through but lost three different journalist friends to warfare: in Nicaragua, in Lebanon, in Iran, where a reporter from the Los Angeles Times was shot to death right next to me and the only reason the bullet didn’t hit me instead of him was just my own dumb luck. Last year was an awfully bad year for journalists in general: the Committee to Protect Journalists counts 61 of them killed in the line of duty. Most died in the middle of wars.

That’s what makes one small part of a very long report issued by the Pentagon earlier this summer, the “Department of Defense Law Of War Manual,” so dangerous. Most of the directives in the manual are necessary and constructive, calling for “self-control… under the stresses of combat,” and “prohibitions on torture and unnecessary destruction.” They are about a soldier’s duties and a soldier’s rights.

But then there’s the part about journalists. It uses language meant to describe the role journalists play and define the risks journalists face. But it ends up giving authoritarian leaders— which certainly includes any of our enemies today, whether sovereign governments or not— a ready-to-use set of charges against any journalist they don’t like. In many parts of the world, that means all of them.

One example from the manual: “In some cases, the relaying of information (such as providing information of immediate use in combat operations) could constitute taking a direct part in hostilities.” Another: “Civilian journalists who engage in hostilities against a State may be punished by that State after a fair trial.” And yet another, which to me is the worst: “Reporting on military operations can be very similar to collecting intelligence or even spying.” Imagine those phrases in the hands of our enemies when they have a journalist in their sights.

In many nations around the world, journalists actually work for their governments and are obliged to “collect intelligence,” some because if they don’t, they simply don’t work, some because that’s who actually signs their paychecks. What this leads to in those places is an automatic assumption that every journalist from around the world is really just working for his or her government, an automatic suspicion that Western journalists, like their own, are no more than spies themselves.

In my own experience, I’ve had to fight that perception. When American diplomats in different war zones approached journalists like me asking for information about what was happening “out on the streets,” they were putting us at risk of being suspected of, and charged with, espionage, even by the mere fact that we might be seen talking with them. That’s what makes the language in this new Defense Department manual so frightening.

With last year’s barbarous beheadings of journalists by ISIS, reliable news coverage from that part of the world already has been drastically diminished. If the Pentagon believes in the value of information it can’t collect itself, not to mention the right of all Americans to a free flow of information, it should erase what it wrote.

More On Iran Nuclear Negotiations

Given my belief that almost always there are two strong sides to every issue, I’ve waited a couple of weeks, hoping to hear convincing arguments against the Iran nuclear deal. But all I’ve heard is a drumbeat of half-truths.

Like, the deal itself. The simple truth— the full truth— is that major production limits, significant stockpile reductions, and increased international oversight— even if not everything we want— are better than none at all. My question to all who oppose the nuclear agreement is, have you ever made a deal for a business, or a car, or a house, or anything else? Did you get everything you wanted and leave the other side with nothing? Not likely, because that’s not how it works. I regret it if I appear to lend an ounce of credibility to his name, but even Donald Trump in his book The Art Of The Deal said, “I always go into a deal anticipating the worst.” That’s what the United States did. “The worst” meant a totally unshackled Iran, ready to build a bomb tomorrow. Now they can’t.

And, like the sanctions. Yes, sanctions took their toll on Iran and brought them to the table, and yes, they will be thrilled to be rid of them. But the truth is, their economy has been on life support; inflation soared to 40%. Iran needs those tens of billions of dollars that will fill its coffers to get healthy again, not just to add to its support of terrorists outside its borders. And anyway, according to the respected analyst Tony Cordesman at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, the groups that Iran supports are in no position to absorb, let alone spend, a lot more money than they’ve already been getting.

And, like the verification. The half-truth here is that the 24-day window for U.N. inspectors leaves the Iranians with plenty of opportunities to mask their movements. The greater truth is, traces of the materials they would be secretively working with don’t disappear in 24 days…or 24 months, or 24 years. They have a multi-million year half-life, which means if the Iranians try to cheat, then as Fred Kaplan wrote in, “it’s very likely to be detected.”

And, like the politics. Begin with this alarming fact: virtually everyone who is against the deal was against it before they’d actually confirmed a single fact about it. Members of Congress were sending out denunciatory news releases before the first briefing on Capitol Hill; House Speaker John Boehner promised to “do everything possible to stop” it… before he’d heard the first word about it from Secretary of State Kerry. The best quote about all this came from Maine independent Senator Angus King: “If these people who announced (their opposition) an hour after the deal was announced were in a jury pool, they’d be disqualified.” They already were saying that they wanted to vote the deal down and maintain our sanctions. But the truth is, if Congress gets away with that— or a future Republican president just scraps the whole thing— then the United States, as Secretary Kerry warned last week, will be on its own, because the other western powers, for their own selfish reasons, want the sanctions to end, which would render American sanctions next to moot.

And, like the “options” to the deal. Well, we’re really only talking about one: war. On the face of it, that’s pretty unappealing these days, because in the wars we’ve fought the past decade-and-a-half, we’ve already spent a treasure in human lives and financial resources. And it’s especially unappealing if you face the truth that as smart and powerful as we are, we don’t always achieve all our aims when we go to war. Not to mention the inevitability that any such war would spread.

And that’s the truth.

On Iran Nuclear Negotiations

Here’s what the critics of the Iran nuclear deal that still might be worked out have right: it’s not the deal we wanted. In fact if you focus as the critics do only on what it wouldn’t achieve rather than on what it would– it’s a dud.

But here’s what they have wrong: for all its shortcomings, this deal would still be superior to no deal at all for the security of the United States and its allies (from Israel to Saudi Arabia). Pull out whatever clichés you like: the glass is half full rather than half empty; don’t let the perfect be the enemy of the good; half a loaf is better than none.

What are the critics thinking? That by declining an imperfect deal, we’d be punishing the Iranians who would, in turn, buckle and backtrack and give us everything we want?

I’ve got news for the critics. They’re dreaming.

The people of Iran aren’t soft. From the citizens I watched decades ago as they threw themselves into the bullets of their government during the Iranian revolution, to the soldiers I saw in hand-to-hand combat during the primitive eight-year-long Iran-Iraq war, to the inmates I met who tolerated torture in their country’s brutal prisons, to the refugees I’ve known who trekked across deserts to escape persecution, these people can endure punishment.

Sure, Iran’s leaders would love it if we lifted all our sanctions against them and they’d be tens of billions of dollars richer. But money is not the root of all evil, at least not in Iran. Their policies also are rooted in ideology and Islam, historical rivalries and regional power, and nationalistic pride.

Of course some American critics believe the Iranians eventually would dial back their nuclear program not only because of stressful sanctions but because they know that ultimately we might resort to a military solution. The problem with that argument is, there is no military “solution.” There is only the military “option,” and there are a couple of reasons why that wouldn’t win us what we want.

First, because while the facilities we have here at home to produce nuclear weapons were built beginning back in the 1950s and are mainly above ground, Iran’s nuclear facilities were built in the modern era of bunker-buster bombs, and according to intelligence analysts, are believed to be buried beyond our ability to destroy them.

Second, because building the bomb from cradle to grave is a multi-step process: there’s design, enrichment, production, parts, testing, and storage, not to mention the entirely separate issue of manufacturing and maintaining delivery systems– missiles– that can tolerate the weight and heat of a nuclear device. In the U.S., we have done these things at a variety of locations, each playing a different part in the process, like Oak Ridge in Tennessee, Savannah River in South Carolina, and of course our own Rocky Flats plant northwest of Denver, where the weapons’ plutonium triggers were produced. The trouble is, in Iran, we know where some of these facilities are, but not all of them. So just how effective would a military assault actually be? That is open to argument but we must accept, our record of shock-and-awe isn’t perfect.

The other day, the headline on a piece in The Washington Post by conservative columnist Charles Krauthammer was, “The worst agreement in U.S. diplomatic history.” He wrote, “With every concession (to Iran), Obama and Kerry made clear they were desperate for a deal. And they will get it. Obama will get his ‘legacy.’ Kerry will get his Nobel. And Iran will get the bomb.”

And without a deal? Simple. Instead of buying us time, during which we could keep at least half an eye on Iran’s bomb-building abilities, we would have no eye at all, and the Islamic Republic of Iran could build the bomb that much sooner. Which almost inevitably would lead to nuclear arms in the hands of its Islamic rivals in almost every direction.

And this would make us safer?

The Speed of Change

Times change. But it hasn’t always been so obvious.

For millennia, no one on earth saw much change at all in a single lifetime. Not until the start of the 19th Century when, thanks to the invention of the train, man for the first time could move faster than the speed of a galloping horse. Think about that: man had never gone that fast before.

Today, times are still changing, but at warp speed.

Look at how long it took even in many of our lifetimes for certain changes to rock the world. As recently as the mid-1990s, same sex marriage was banned in almost every state in the union; President Clinton even signed a law in 1996 forbidding the federal government to recognize it. (A local milestone: in 1975, Boulder’s County Clerk issued the nation’s first same sex marriage license. But the District Attorney quickly revoked it.)

Yet even before the Supreme Court spoke late last week, same sex marriage already was legal in more than two-thirds of the states and now, it’s legal everywhere. As social issues go, that’s warp speed.

Look at how long it took before Confederate flags were acknowledged for what they really are. Yet now, in Alabama, the governor ordered four of them removed from a Confederate memorial at the capitol. This is Alabama, where in 1963 Governor George Wallace infamously declared at his inauguration, “Segregation now, segregation tomorrow, segregation forever.”

In Mississippi, where Freedom Riders were murdered just for campaigning for civil rights and Governor Ross Barnett declared that “The Good Lord was the original segregationist,” everyone today from the state’s Speaker of the State to both United States Senators has called for the confederate symbol to be struck from the state flag. In Mississippi, for God’s sake!

And of course there’s South Carolina, whose legislature voted unanimously after the election of Abraham Lincoln to become the first state to secede from the union; historical and cultural pride there runs deep. But now, after the racist murder of nine black citizens in Charleston, elected leaders came together, liberals and conservatives, and the state House voted overwhelmingly to talk about finally removing the confederate flag from the grounds of the statehouse.

South Carolina’s senior senator, Lindsey Graham, said, “This is a circumstance where the people led the politicians.” What a concept. (Maybe the politicians should take their lead from the likes of Target and Sears, Amazon and Walmart, which almost instantly removed all Confederate merchandise from their stores.)

Do all the people want that kind of sea change? No; the 103-10 vote in South Carolina’s House proved that. Likewise, do all the people want to sanction same sex marriage? Again, the answer is no— the Supreme Court’s 5-4 opinion proved that. But clearly, public opinion has shifted on both.

This is hardly the first era in which there have been cataclysmic shifts like this. Think about just the second half of the last century— Vietnam, Civil Rights. But on those issues and others, it took years, even decades of massive demonstrations and violent confrontations, tear gas and sometimes bullets, before the public moved the politicians to… well, to move.

What’s changed? It’s impossible to wrap it all up in a single reason, but today’s users of social media have replaced yesterday’s marchers on the Mall. That’s what turned the Arab Spring into a firestorm, albeit ultimately a disappointing one. Issues move at the speed of communication. Today, communication is instantaneous, and it has transformed our nation and our world.

This doesn’t mean that tomorrow, cultural homophobia and institutional racism will disappear from our lives. After all, the killer in Charleston didn’t shoot up the church because the confederate flag flew in front of the statehouse. But if he even felt some kind of subconscious support because society seemed to sanction such a symbol of hate, maybe now, we’re a little closer.

On Energy Independence

I’ve long thought longingly about “energy independence.” You know, putting the U.S. in the position of not having to depend on anyone else for anything. Not having to owe anyone anything either. Goodbye to Saudi Arabia. Venezuela. Iraq.

You’ve probably wanted the same thing too. And no wonder. Every American President clear back to Richard Nixon has set “energy independence” as a goal. Of course beginning with Nixon, they’ve also all set “peace in the Middle East” as a goal. So much for goals!

But there’s a difference between the stated objectives of “energy independence” and “Middle East peace.” Peace is desirable— good for our federal budget, for our military burnout, for our national security. The trouble is, it’s next to unachievable.

Energy independence, on the other hand, is achievable; depending on how you measure it, the United States today is either the biggest or second biggest energy producer on earth (we are neck-and-neck with the Saudis). Colorado’s contributions from the newly expanded fracking industry, while controversial, have played a role in getting us there. So energy independence is achievable, but the trouble is, it’s not desirable. It’s a deceptive dream.

I’ve come to that conclusion after five straight years moderating a conference called “Energy Moving Forward,” put on again last week by the Global Energy Management program of the Business School at the University of Colorado Denver. In doing my homework each year about energy— what we have, what we use, what we’re working on— I’ve learned more and more about the consequences of true “energy independence.”

In its purest form, being energy independent would mean nothing in, nothing out. We would consume whatever energy we produce— oil, gas, coal, renewables, and everything else— but export none of it. Likewise, we wouldn’t import an ounce of energy from outside our borders. But here’s the catch: energy is the single biggest sector of the American economy; we either buy it from or sell it, including Colorado’s, to literally dozens of other countries. Can you imagine what the purest form of energy independence would do to America’s financial system? Not to mention unemployment.

What about the political ramifications? Sure, it sounds plenty appealing to break the bonds that bind us to governments with which we wouldn’t otherwise deal but for the commerce of oil and gas. But can the United States of America really afford to disengage from regions like the Middle East because we no longer have the oil-based motives that got us there in the first place? Yes, that would have its upside, but besides the manifest motive of national security, the other reason why the U.S. is politically— and often, militarily— involved in the Middle East is that if we aren’t, someone else will be. Would we be better off if Russia replaced us as the go-to nation trying to play an influential role in every event? Or China? The world they’d shape would be worse than it is now.

It hurts to admit that we are better off with the status quo. For years I covered OPEC, the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries. The representatives from the major producers strutted around like they owned the world. Which, in a way, they did. When OPEC’s Arab members imposed an embargo on us in 1973, the price of oil almost quadrupled, and the world’s economy took a huge hit. It hurt.

But today’s status quo is better than it was. We have reduced our petroleum purchases to the point where, if they cut us off, we’d hardly notice. We import more oil these days from our friends Canada and Mexico than we do from the combined members of OPEC. As one panelist said at last week’s conference, we now have options we didn’t have before. And as renewables grow, especially solar, we’ll have even more. That is all the independence we need.


How would you like it if ISIS took control of Colorado Springs? Or Silverthorne? Or the northern edge of Fort Collins? They’re all about as far from the heart of Denver as the desert city of Ramadi is from Baghdad. Suddenly, seventy miles doesn’t sound so safe.

Yet now that ISIS has overrun Ramadi, seventy more miles is all those barbarians would have to cover to clobber Iraq’s capital, Baghdad. Suddenly, ISIS can confidently covet the country’s crown jewel.

And thanks to the feckless Iraqi Army, they are in a plausible position to take it. Not only because they now hold sway over an even bigger piece of Iraq, but because when Iraqi soldiers ran from Ramadi as fast as their legs could carry them, they surrendered more military equipment to the Islamic State— tanks and trucks, machine guns and rocket-propelled grenades. Mostly supplied, by the way, by us.

It’s part of a petrifying pattern. A few months ago, in a column about the futility of ending the nightmare that is ISIS, I wrote,“The Iraqi military plans to recapture from ISIS the key supply-line city of Mosul.” But then I asked, cynically, “How’s that going?” The answer was, and still is, nowhere. Back in January, both Iraq’s leaders and America’s were talking tough, saying that by now the good guys would be back in charge of that city, which had first been stormed by ISIS when Iraq’s soldiers, and this will sound familiar, fell back in a frenetic retreat.

Well guess what: they still don’t get it. Right after the rout in Ramadi, White House press secretary Josh Earnest cavalierly asked, “Are we going to light our hair on fire every time that there is a setback in the campaign against ISIL?” The answer ought to be, “If we don’t, they might.”

To be magnanimous, maybe the myopic optimists who expect Iraq’s forces to put up a fight just don’t understand this: the soldiers don’t capitulate because they’re poorly trained, poorly armed, or poorly led; they capitulate because they’re poorly motivated.

Back during the first Gulf War, I was with a platoon of American GIs in Saudi Arabia moving toward Kuwait. But our transport broke down, and we were stuck on the desert until the next day when we could be rescued. It wasn’t so bad; some of the soldiers did target practice with their bayonets every time a desert tarantula surfaced from a hole. We slept (although hardly soundly) on the sand, and saw more stars than I thought the sky could hold.

But the best part was, it gave me a chance to talk with these soldiers about what motivated them to join the Army. This was before 9/11, so it wasn’t to go after people who had attacked us. It was to learn motor pool skills on Uncle Sam’s dime, or kitchen skills, or maybe qualify for the GI Bill. When they’d volunteered for service, we weren’t even fighting a war.

But when I asked each soldier whether he’d be willing to rush a bunker if Saddam Hussein was inside, to the last man the answer was yes. When I asked why, everyone responded as if it was obvious: they were patriots, they would do whatever America needed done.

Having spent many years in the Middle East, I’m telling you, you won’t find much of that in the Iraqi Army, or frankly, any other army in the region. In that part of the world, people are loyal to their families, their tribes, their religions. But their governments, their nations? Not so much. The army’s just a paycheck. When a madman with a Koran strapped to his chest starts chasing you, you don’t stand and fight; you run.

That’s why ISIS might take those next seventy miles to Baghdad. And then, if they establish an Eden for extremism, our own security becomes shakier than ever.

Genetics and Politics

The very first words from the very first caller during my very first talk show on KOA Radio were, “You are such a jerk.”

It was a rude awakening. But it also was an instructive education. You see, I had watched other talk radio hosts to see how they approached each show and what I learned was, first say hello, then say what you think about the hot-topic-of-the-day, then open the phones and let listeners chime in on what they think about what you think.

This was almost 25 years ago and I don’t even remember what my very first topic was—probably some liberal rant— but what I do remember is, I figured that once I’d done my carefully crafted, unassailably logical, inarguably intelligent 15-minute monologue on it, no one on earth could possibly find fault with my reasoning and all would proclaim in unison that I was God’s gift to civilization… or to talk radio, at least. Until the first guy I put on the air called me a jerk.

And that got me to wondering, why do so many of us, who otherwise probably share a lot of the same values, see the world so differently? I wonder about it to this day when I argue issues with personal friends, whose backgrounds, and educations, and family lives, and IQs, and places in the middle class, are all pretty much like mine. Whether it’s the sanity of stockpiling guns in our homes, the soundness of universal health care, or the security of a nuclear deal with Iran, somehow we see the issue with very different points of view.

I used to think it was as simple as nature versus nurture, with nurture playing a paramount role. But today I think, not so much. My own parents, who my siblings and I loved and respected, by and large politically were on the right side of the center-line, yet each of their kids ended up on the left side. Yet I know plenty of families where the kids turned out as their parents’ political clones. And yet others where some of the offspring ended up conservative and some not.

Which leaves nature. That doesn’t mean our politics are hereditary; experience proves they’re not. But are they genetic? Could there be a gene that somehow shapes our view of the world?

A growing body of university researchers thinks so. Either a gene, or a psychological characteristic, or a personality trait.

For example, at the University of Nebraska, they studied the responses of conservatives and liberals to different kinds of images— one example given is of a very large spider on somebody’s face— and found that conservatives spent more time anxiously studying the images and felt more threatened than liberals.

Meanwhile, at University College London, researchers studied the part of the brain that lights up when we’re anxious or scared, and found that it is larger in conservatives than it is in liberals. This would help explain conservative fears when it comes to issues like guns, health care, and Iran.

I don’t mean to make conservatives out to be more contrary or panicky than liberals; clearly there is more grey matter in these equations than absolutes, and clearly there are innumerable exceptions to the rule (like climate change, where it’s the left that fears the sky is falling). So maybe a better word for conservatives than “anxious,” or “scared,” is “prudent.” Maybe some people are born with more inherent prudence than others. Which by contrast makes liberals less prudent and bigger risk-takers. Which, some would argue, might not be a good thing when it comes to guns, health care, or Iran.

The upshot of all this is, maybe we are blessed at birth with our political proclivities. Maybe the disturbing divide in America between liberals and conservatives cannot easily be overcome. Maybe I am both God’s gift to civilization, and a jerk. Maybe it depends on who you ask.

This isn’t the dream of South Africa

I gave away a pretty nice pair of jeans the other day.

I gave them to a man in South Africa, a real good guy who was a lot of help while I was there. He is quite smart, he works very hard, and he always has a smile on his face. But he lives in a place where people grow up without quite enough food in their tummies and thus my waist is a good three inches thicker than his. Yet he wanted the jeans anyway, because he’s black.

What that means is, he is achingly poor. He lives in a tin shanty town on the edge of Cape Town, one of more than a million black citizens squeezed into the same sad settlement. You’ll see similar shanties on the outskirts of virtually every town you pass, large or small. In my friend’s, they only recently got their own electricity. Some have a cold-water tap inside their shacks, but most people still haul heavy buckets from communal water wells. Last time I was there, a few years ago while shooting a documentary, almost everyone had to use public cinderblock outhouses; the ratio was 129 people per privy. It’s not a whole lot better today.

This isn’t the way it was supposed to be. This isn’t the dream of South Africa.

Until only two decades ago, apartheid callously codified racial superiority for the nation’s white minority, subsistence and subservience for everyone else. As the novel called Tandia so succinctly says, apartheid was the rule of law, but it made a mockery of justice. When I covered South Africa on and off in the 1970s and 80s, everyone expected that black majority rule eventually would come, followed by a richer life for people long oppressed. But only through a bloody civil war.

Thanks mainly to the inclusive instincts of Nelson Mandela, that didn’t happen. Mandela argued (against the impulses of most of his comrades) that the equality they had long envisioned meant equality for all citizens, not just black citizens; that it could be violently counterproductive to punish their oppressors; and that through no fault of their own, the nation’s blacks didn’t have the training or schooling needed to actually run the country’s institutions, which meant educated and experienced whites must be kept on. Which is why, although war had seemed inevitable, apartheid came to a surprisingly peaceful end, stimulating a dream in the minds of the majority not just of a nation where all men were free but where, relative to how poorly blacks had long lived, now they would prosper.

Despite black majority rule, it’s still just a dream. For the documentary, I asked Nobel Peace Prize laureate Desmond Tutu why, in everything from housing to politics to education to economics, why is there still such a gap between rich and poor? He self-consciously laughed and said, “You know, original sin has in fact also infected us.” In other words, incompetence and corruption are colorblind.

Racial injustice is no longer legal in South Africa, but that’s just the letter of the law. In spirit, I learned last week, life still seems to be framed for most people— of every race— in terms of black and white.

My friend kept saying, with patience I’d never be able to muster, that it’s only been 20 years. But there’s no denying, the dream has faded. Some in the majority have grabbed the brass ring, For the most part though, it’s still South Africa’s blacks who are opening the white man’s doors and mopping his floors.

My friend now dreams of a better life for his daughter. And she might yet get it. But as he told me, his mother had dreamed of a better life for him. Yet he still wants blue jeans from a visiting American. Even though he’s too skinny to fill them.

On Cairo Today

(CAIRO) I’m only here in Egypt for a few hours, changing planes in Cairo’s airport to fly farther south across this African continent. But my mind is flooded with memories, not just of what I experienced over the years in dozen of trips to this exotic if chaotic and troubled region, but of what I saw and felt the very first time I landed in this ancient empire, and not even in the city of Cairo itself, but right here in its airport. It played no small role in shaping my view of how the world works.

It was 1977, just as Egypt and Israel, after three decades in a state of war, were about to shake hands, which would lead to an historic if troubled peace (which was then opposed for many years by almost every other Muslim nation on earth).

ABC News sent me over from the U.S. to help cover it. So after transiting somewhere in Europe, I landed here in Cairo. In those days, you walked from the plane down portable stairs to the tarmac; the “gates” were outside and with the airport’s proximity to the desert, you were sweating from the sun and sandblasted from the Sahara before you even got halfway to Passport Control.

But I didn’t pass right through; as a journalist, I had to get a special visa and ended up in a holding area near the gate for about four hours. And that’s when I began to notice the men— all men, apparently all Egyptians— dressed in dusty desert robes, carrying in one hand all their possessions, wrapped in a sort of towel-like package; picture an American hobo during the Depression. It was the time of the Haj, the annual pilgrimage to Mecca that all Muslims are supposed to make before they die. For these guys, it was their turn. Most of them looked like they didn’t have two nickels to rub together but a lot of them had their package of possessions in one hand….and a boom box in the other.

And that’s where my view of how the world works began to take shape. Because the boom boxes weren’t playing music; they were carrying booming and, to my ear, angry-sounding voices in Arabic. Mind you, I didn’t really know that they were angry; Arabic is not, let’s just say, the gentlest smoothest sounding of languages. Kind of like German, where the soft word we use for the colorful creature that emerges from a cocoon is “butterfly,” while the French use the musical word “pappillion,” but in German it’s the harshly, guttural, almost metallic sounding “schmetterling.”

But I digress. The voices blasting from these boom boxes, rattling along at a mile a minute, sounded angry, or harsh at the very least, but you know what? To me it didn’t really matter what they were saying or how they were saying it. What mattered was, everyone could hear it; whatever the message was, it was going (as we now say) viral. And how big was that? It meant that people who never before even knew how anyone in the next village lived suddenly could find out how people in the rest of the world lived.

The transistor radio wasn’t brand new, of course; I had one as a kid and in Sunday School in the late 1950s, once the Giants moved from New York to my home town of San Francisco, I carved the interior pages out of a textbook so I could conceal my radio between the book’s covers and run an earphone wire up the long sleeves of my shirt and hide the other end in my ear and listen to baseball games (although God help me if I cracked the book open when the teacher was pacing around the classroom).

But the luxury of the transistor and the availability (for people who didn’t even have electricity) of affordable batteries took another generation to make it to the Middle East, so the whole idea of opening a window to the world for people who had never before been ten miles from home and had no idea what anyone’s lives looked like beyond that perimeter was pretty darned new. (Parenthetically, I once did a story about a woman from a small Jewish tribe in one of three isolated Jewish villages in the middle of Ethiopia, and her people had no idea that the other two villages even existed; they thought they were the last people practicing their religion on earth.)

So this novel new accessible form of communication was life-changing for the people who used it. Because, as I kept learning more and more as I made trip after trip to the Middle East, what they saw through that window was how much we had and how little they had. Whether wealth or community or liberty, we in the West were the haves; they were the have-nots.

Now, of course, the world has changed. Most of the animosity and aggression we are fighting today have their roots in a variety of causes, from religion to politics to power to territory to nationalism to greed. But when you think about it, it still often comes down to the haves and the have-nots. Someone has land that someone else wants. Or resources that someone else wants. Or riches, or weapons, or power, or a subservient population, or a history of dominance…. or, of course, an ideology or a culture or a set of religious beliefs that someone wants to bury.

Mass communication has evolved in ways no one could possibly predict only two generations ago when I was having my epiphany in Cairo. I have seen television satellite dishes in desert outposts in the MIddle East, in jungle settlements in shanty towns in black Africa, in roadside villages high in the South American Andes, in backward towns in Russia, in rural communes in Vietnam.

And it can be hard to assert that this is a bad thing. You can extrapolate all kinds of arguably good things from it; think about the Arab Spring, albeit sadly short-lived. But for better or worse, change has come, and will keep coming in this world, more with the speed of a kilobyte than a caravan. Which probably means, revolutions won’t necessarily live or die any more on the strength of their leaders. Because of modern communications, which these days means social media as much as or even more than anything else, revolutions will quickly become the property of the people. Or as they say, “The Street.” Which, I repeat, might be for better and might be for worse.

I think what I saw that first day of my first trip here to the airport in Cairo was the seed of something we still don’t fully understand. But that’s not the scariest part of it. The scariest part is, it was the seed of something that is now completely out of our control. Those boom boxes might have been easy to see, but they have been replaced by something we can no longer see coming.


“The Muslim world won’t let it happen,” a friend told me the other day, referring to the stated goal of ISIS to dominate all Muslims. His reasoning was, most Muslims don’t want to live under the cruel control of a Caliphate.

I couldn’t agree more. From many years covering the Middle East, I feel certain that most Muslims don’t want to live in the Dark Ages. The trouble is, up against the merciless militias of ISIS, that doesn’t necessarily make much difference. As history sometimes shows, even if the preponderance of a population loathes its leadership, nothing changes, at least not for generations.

Exhibit A: The Soviet Union. I never worked there without meeting citizens who wanted out from under the repression. And from the drab, deprived, fretful lives they lived, I could only guess that they were the majority. But in a police state like that, what could they do? They had neither open elections nor the liberty to call for their own liberation. If flagrant dissidents got too brazen, they might find themselves slogging through the gulag with Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn.

Exhibit B: South Africa. During the era of apartheid, I didn’t even need to ask anyone in the black majority there how they felt about minority white rule. All I had to do was look at the unconcealed contrast between lives lived in luxury in all-white suburbs and lives lived without electricity or running water in all-black townships. If blacks got too rebellious, they might find themselves working a limestone quarry with Nelson Mandela.

Iraqi Shiites under Saddam Hussein, Chinese civilians under Mao Tse-Tung, probably the bulk of North Koreans under Kim Jung-un, maybe even most ordinary German citizens under Adolf Hitler, they all might fall into the class of the silent majority. They have no army, no political power, no voice.

Which brings us back to the question, who’s going to rise up against ISIS? The John McCains of the world assert that if the United States puts more muscle into this war, we can kill the cancer. I don’t want to be a doomsayer, but I’m not a dreamer either. Look at the facts on the ground. We fire a hundred-thousand-dollar missile, they lose a ten-thousand-dollar truck. We kill ten zealots, they recruit twenty.

Sure, we have allies: the United Arab Emirates have resumed their off-again-on-again air campaign against ISIS in Syria; Egypt took out some ISIS assets in Libya; now Jordan’s talking tough; the Iraqi military plans to recapture from ISIS the key supply-line city of Mosul. But how’s that going? Tens of thousands of weapons the United States says it already has sent to the Iraqis (with more on the way) are missing, and their parliamentary defense committee chairman is quoted saying that without those weapons, “any operation would be fruitless.” Some of our Arab allies look at us and complain that we’re not pulling out all the stops. But are they? Would they ever? And if they did, would they win? Qatar’s emir said last week that Arab leaders must commit “to the values… in the Arab Spring.” Dream on.

Or maybe it’s more like a nightmare, because ISIS isn’t even a single entity any more, operating only in Syria and Iraq. In a case of “déjà vu all over again,” remember how in Afghanistan, we chased out al-Qaeda only to see lookalikes turn up in a dozen different countries? Well today, intelligence identifies ISIS-like units, whether official affiliates or aspiring wannabes, in Algeria, Egypt, Jordan, Yemen, Libya, Somalia, as deep into Africa as Nigeria, and yes, Afghanistan. ISIS has even tweeted, “We will conquer Rome,” (meaning, the West).

If we have learned nothing else since Vietnam, we have learned that even though we are mightier and hopefully more moral than our enemies, we don’t always win. There are too many variables in war. And too many enemies we just don’t understand.

On Public Use of Cameras

We were in an open-air light rail station in Miami, a TV crew and me. A guy who lived nearby and led us there took several small cameras into the station to make a point about his rights. He made it with a bang. As soon as he lifted one of his cameras to take pictures of a security guard, the guard and her partner went after him.

They told him to stop taking their picture. He didn’t. They told him to leave. He wouldn’t. They told him to surrender his cameras. He refused. They took a swipe at the cameras, knocking one to the ground, then another swipe at him. He fought back.

Was this guy a pain in the neck? Yes. Was he rude, intrusive, provocative, even offensive? Absolutely. But here’s the key question: Was he breaking the law? The answer is no. This matters because a bill being drafted in the Colorado legislature would “clarify” when and where you can and can’t use a camera. It shouldn’t require clarification but maybe it does, because cameras nowadays are a ubiquitous and sometimes unavoidable part of our daily lives. And it’s hard for some people to believe that you and I have the right to all but stick a camera in their face.

But we do. You see, unless we’re talking about a handful of explicable exceptions, like interfering with a crime scene, or prejudicing a trial, or a breach of our national security (but trust me, there was none at this light rail station), this guy in Miami had every right to take the guard’s picture. She could have turned away, she could have put up her hand to block the view, but what she couldn’t do, not legally, was order the guy to stop.

Why not? Because the light rail station is a public place. Just like any park, any sidewalk, the airport, even city hall. These are public places where, as courts have put it, you and I have “no reasonable expectation of privacy.” And this applies to the police as much as anyone else.

Think of the implications if it were otherwise. If a policeman could claim that cameras are intrusive as he performs his job and thus prohibit their use, so could a politician, so could any public official. Then, anyone who regrets having his appalling behavior captured by a camera could try in court to prohibit its public release.

Now let’s carry it a step further. Think about people who meet in sidewalk restaurants or on park benches to discuss pending divorces, or contracts, or anything else that seems sensitive. They probably would argue that they have the right to a private conversation. But they don’t, not there. If they want to ensure their privacy, they should remove themselves from the public place.

Does this apply indiscriminately? No. A grocery store, a restaurant, a department store, these are different. Absent blatant bias, private property owners have the right to set the rules about who can take pictures on their property and when. And rest assured, no one has the right to take pictures of you while inside your home. But even there, there’s a caveat: if you’re standing in your window in your underwear, beware the camera held by a citizen out on the street because you are fair game.

Of course the proposed legislation isn’t just meant to clarify the use of cameras for those being recorded; until all of us with those cameras understand how far we can go, and, where we have to stop, it’s clarification for us, too.

But the burden must be on the police, the politicians, and others to justify keeping something out of the public view. For the rest of us, short of never going out, the best way to preserve our privacy is just to tell someone with a camera to quit being so nosy and leave us alone.

Never Forget

It might surprise you, but after a week’s worth of sympathetic stories in the media last week, all related to the 70th anniversary of the liberation of the Nazi death camp Auschwitz, there’s still more to say. The anniversary has passed, the world has moved on… but still, because the import of Auschwitz and all it symbolizes shouldn’t be revived only on a ten-year anniversary, there’s more to say.

There are two little words, in fact, that speak volumes about why we should keep talking about Auschwitz, and Nazi Germany, and the Holocaust. Two words, immortalized by the aging author and archivist of the Holocaust, Eli Wiesel, in his own firsthand Auschwitz account called “Night.” The two weighty words are, “Never forget.”

I wasn’t even born when the dark dust of Europe’s Jews rained from the sky, yet I’ll never forget the cold chill I’ve felt walking through Auschwitz, which I’ve done three times as a reporter, once with Wiesel himself. Not just because I knew what had happened there— more than a million hapless humans gassed until they were gone; thousands subjected to sadistic and unscientific tests by the merciless Dr. Mengele; tens of thousands starving and suffering as slaves for the Nazi war machine.

No, the chill that ran through me on each visit was borne from my effort to even slightly imagine what it actually felt like to be there which, for all of us who weren’t, is impossible. But I tried anyway. I tried to imagine being imprisoned there. And waging a struggle not to die. Arguably, death was the less frightening fate; the supreme struggle was to survive. A struggle not to starve. Not to collapse. Not to freeze. Not to surrender.

And simple though it sounds, not to lose your shoes.

Shoes, I’ve been told, were an inmate’s salvation. The margin between death and life was so thin, it was defined in the precarious existence of every inmate by his shoes. If he could keep his shoes, he might tolerate the bitter, bleak, dark, dismal climate of the camp. If his shoes were worn through, or lost, or stolen, it was a death sentence as sure as the ultimate abuse bestowed on those who went straight from their train to their execution.

Never forget. The words are easy to utter, more difficult to uphold. Just look around the world since World War II and see how forgetful mankind has been. In conflicts I’ve covered from Zimbabwe to Afghanistan, from the Sahara to Northern Ireland, man kept forgetting the meaning of humanity. In a way, the incitements aren’t even important: power, greed, territory, nationalism, and maybe more than ever before, racism and religion. For whatever reason, man forgot.

A piece of me pretends that today, with global dependencies between nations and instantaneous links between peoples, we would no longer let these things motivate us to subjugate and brutalize our fellow man. But then the other piece kicks in. I think of Ukraine, where indiscriminate shells rain down and innocent citizens’ lives are shattered. Or Syria, where whole neighborhoods have crumbled, turning whole populations into wretched refugees. Or Nigeria, where fanatics have forgotten that life has any value at all. Or even Paris, where both Muslims and Jews reportedly now live in fear for their safety, and their families’.

In last week’s anniversary observance at Auschwitz, one survivor said, “We do not want our past to be our children’s future.” But somehow it could be, if “never forget” continues to be forgotten.

That’s why there’s more to say. And why we should keep saying it.

Yemen’s In Trouble

Yemen’s in trouble. So we’re in trouble too.

If rebels were able to wrest control of one of the most backyard nations on earth from its U.S.-friendly government, then the sky’s the limit in that part of the world for anarchy and animosity against the West.

But it’s only Yemen, right? Why worry about a country which has few paved roads in, let alone outside, its two main cities? A place so remote, its desert borders are missing from many maps because nobody really knows where they are. A nation so backward that citizens who can afford it travel over those undefined borders to Saudi Arabia to shop!

Maybe most revealing, men in Yemen aren’t even clear-headed for much of the day because at midday, they chew on a narcotic-like stimulant, a local leaf called “khat.” You can always tell when it’s lunchtime because almost every man has fluid as green as the forest primeval, dripping from his lips. Could it just be coincidence that “khat” rhymes with “pot?”

Once, when covering a story there, not long after a trip to Afghanistan, I wrote that Yemen was the only society I’d ever seen that makes Afghanistan look modern. Which brings us back to asking, why the big deal? The answer is complex but the headline might be, shoppers aren’t the only Yemenis who have their sights set on our political partner— however odious the partnership— Saudi Arabia.

American intelligence says that terrorists from the Yemeni group widely considered the most dangerously anti-Western of all the al-Qaeda spinoffs, al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, have snuck into Saudi Arabia to position themselves to attack the kingdom. And although our alliance with the Saudis is based only on mutual interests, which realistically means mutual enemies, an attack on Saudi Arabia is as good as an attack on us, because with so much oil so easy to get at, Saudi leaders influence the global price of oil and thus the economy— and therefore the stability— of the planet. Unless they are thrown off their feet and someone far more hostile stands in their shoes.

And now, al-Qaeda might not be the only force with its eyes on that prize. The Iranian-backed sect in Yemen, the Houthi Militia (all Shiites), has moved to the front. Which means al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (mainly Sunnis) no longer has the whole place to itself. Adding to the mayhem, ISIS reportedly is elbowing its own way into the chaos. Is it plausible that the self-proclaimed “caliph” of ISIS— by his lights, the leader of all Muslims— has designs on the holiest domain in his faith?

All told, this can’t be good. Between religious, tribal, and territorial objectives, each of these groups probably will fight fiercely with one another for a piece of the spoils. Viewed in a vacuum, nothing would make America happier. But warfare among terror groups in a place like Yemen has its downside, not only because it’s likely to ravage the nation, but because in a case like this (unlike Syria, where the beleaguered government has muscle that the Yemeni government never had), someone’s likely to win. Then that victor would stand taller, and stronger, and probably meaner than ever.

Which makes the upheaval in Yemen an even more potent potential threat not just toward the sands of Saudi Arabia, but toward the American homeland. Because the Yemeni intelligence that helped us fight terrorism on the Arabian Peninsula now might end up in the hands of the terrorists themselves, which forces us to suspend that fight. Which means three factions hostile to our interests have fairly free reign. Sure, they don’t like each other, but when anti-government demonstrators in Yemen last week chanted “Death to America,” they voiced a common passion. That makes them a collective threat. Another impermeable terrorist refuge might just have been born.

Which is why we’re in trouble.

On the Massacre in Paris

When the chief of the United Nations said of the sickening Paris massacre last week, “It should never be seen as a war of religion, for religion, or on religion,” it sounded like a predictable platitude. Kind of like the Pope on Christmas calling for peace in the Middle East. I mean, of course that’s what they’d say!

The fact is, any of us who believe we accurately understand what motivates Muslim madmen to murder innocents ought to cover our keyboards, mute our microphones, and zip our lips. As I wrote in a column on these same pages only last month, “There are so many behaviors in the Middle East today that we just can’t explain, no matter who we are.”

But this time, the U.N.’s Ban Ki-Moon might have gotten it right. Because from my experience, many of the acts allegedly executed in the name of religion— indeed, some of the wars fought between members of different faiths or different sects of the same faith— do not in fact have much if anything to do with religion at all. Radicalism, yes. But that’s not religion.

Probably the best example is what we’ve witnessed for more than a decade now in Iraq. When the U.S. invaded, we lifted the lid off a long-repressed rivalry between Sunnis and Shiites. While we fought a war against terrorism, they fought a war against one another. But were their nasty battles really based on the ancient debate about which of Mohammed’s descendants were entitled to lead Islamic society, which has had the two sects at each other’s throats for more than 1,300 years?

I’m afraid not. They were based on the haves and the have-nots. Under Saddam Hussein, who was Sunni, almost all positions of power (which also made them positions of wealth) were in the hands of his Sunni brethren; call it his tribe. Shiites could hardly even get a private’s position in the Iraqi army, let alone the stripes of an officer. In almost every way, Shiites in Iraq were second-class citizens. So when Hussein was upended, so was his tribe… and then the Shiites did to the Sunnis what the Sunnis had done to them. It was about ranking, not religion.

Likewise, the revolution in Iran. I spent the better part of two years covering that chaos, and when asking people why they wanted to oust the Shah, the word “religion” never came up. A brutal secret police force, corruption with the profits from oil, and distaste for the Western culture the Shah was introducing to his people, these were the root causes of their revolt.

And when it comes to hatred cloaked in the cloth of religion, we can look well beyond the Middle East. In the 1970s and ‘80s, I covered “The Troubles” in Northern Ireland. Catholics and Protestants ambushed one another and blew up each other’s pubs. 3,000 people died.

But just a couple of years ago, when I was back in Belfast and wrote a column referring to “religious warfare” there decades ago, a local friend who I asked to fact-check something said to me, “It was never ‘religious warfare.’ Most of the terrorists on both sides never darkened the door of a church.”

His point was, it was a clash between Catholics and Protestants, but only because the majority there, the Protestants, had long oppressed the minority, the Catholics, who couldn’t get a well-paying job anyplace important, from the shipyards to the police force. Sure, religion was in the background there, as it has been in Iran and Iraq and Syria and Israel and so many other troubled nations, but religious inequality breeds resentment, which breeds terrorism. Which can have nothing to do with religion.

I don’t know what mad notions led the murderers in France to their rampage. We may never know. But if we automatically pin it primarily on religion rather than radicalism, we might miss signs of more madness in the future.

Optimism and Pessimism going into the New Year

At heart, especially at the start of a brand new year, I am an optimist. Life is good. But when I saw the headline of a commentary in The Post the Sunday before Christmas asking, “Is peace on Earth even possible?”, my answer was a pessimistic “No.”

That’s why, whether addressing a contemporary challenge like defeating ISIS or the age-old challenge of finding a path to peace for Israelis and Palestinians, I wouldn’t bet a dime on our success. Not that we shouldn’t try; if we don’t have our hand in the game, some other power will replace us and the world it shapes will likely be even worse. But I have precious little hope. Which you might call pessimism personified.

However, after I said all that to an audience at DU last month during a talk about American options in the Middle East, I heard optimism personified. One man stood and asked, What about globalization as a solution to these struggles? His point was, people who’ve long lived pathetic lives in the Middle East, thanks to their own glimpses of globalization, now can see what the world offers people like us and seize similar opportunities for themselves.

Then another man stood and asked, Why did I address everything from brutal combat to religious creed in my pessimistic analysis but never mentioned the power of economics? His point was, if we took the money we spend to wage war and put it instead into economic development, we would elevate people to the point where they would see little benefit in continuing to fight.

From experience, I’m convinced there are pragmatic reasons why economics and globalization aren’t going to bring the monsters of ISIS to heel— nor adversaries in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, rivals in Syria’s civil war, Iranians bent on building nuclear weapons, or Sunnis and Shiites battling for influence in Iraq. But thank goodness, especially now when we want so much to hope for something better, there are people out there who do.

Remember Luke Somers, the hostage of Islamic terrorists, who died during an attempt to rescue him last month in Yemen? A friend of his told the Associated Press that Somers “would have wanted issues of extremism and terrorism to be addressed by stepping up the dialogue instead of resorting to conflict between nations.”

The pessimist in me says, nations can do dialogue until the well runs dry; it’s not going to make violent clashes vanish. I came to this cynical view years ago while covering the United Nations, where dialogue is just about the only thing they do. The U.N.’s member nations couldn’t even agree most days on whether to change the toilet paper in their public restrooms from one-ply to two, let alone on how to make the world a peaceful place.

But the optimist in me takes comfort in one land where I covered deadly warfare for many years and never believed that hostility and hate could be overcome… but I was wrong. For 30 years (and that’s just in modern times), Catholics and Protestants in Northern Ireland were at each others’ throats; each side felt browbeaten by the other. As a reporter, I’ve seen nothing that pits people against one another more feverishly than religion.

Yet both sides tired of their bloody battles, and looked for a way out, and through a power-sharing arrangement that has lasted now for a decade-and-a-half, they found it. Sure, there are still bitter feelings in some parts— only two years ago I saw fresh murals on the walls of Belfast buildings, glorifying armed militants— but overall, amity has overcome acrimony.

Is there anything to learn from Northern Ireland that could apply to the world at large? Maybe not. But it does show that no matter how pessimistic some of us are about Peace on Earth, there is always hope. How sad… how hopeless… if that were to disappear.

On Russia under Putin

Sure, Russia’s in trouble. But predicting President Putin’s playbook is a fool’s errand. Between Western sanctions over Ukraine, the plunging price of oil on which his economy heavily depends, and the pervasive and proliferating perversion of the nation’s economy, the value of Russia’s ruble and thus the value of every Russian’s bank account has dropped. But Americans who predict that this will moderate Putin’s behavior, on Ukraine or anything else, might be the fools.

The first thing to remember is, Russia isn’t the U.S.A. What that means is, the kinds of public protest that lead to policy changes in our nation don’t— make that, can’t— go far enough to force a revolution in Russia. By tightening up on the freedoms that Russian citizens briefly possessed after the fall of the Soviet Union— like disqualifying political parties he didn’t like and putting dissenting media out of business— Putin has crafted a political system that pretty much ensures his power for as long as he wants to wield it.

The second thing is, by all accounts, Putin’s popularity is still at sky-high levels that American politicians can only dream about. That’s because of something Russians have told me every time I’ve been there: he has given them pride again, pride that they lost almost a quarter-century ago when their status as a superpower vanished. By reminding his citizens that in the good old days, the world trembled when their leaders spoke (or in the case of Nikita Khrushchev in 1960 at the United Nations, pounded the table with a shoe), he never stops sending the message that Russia deserves a place again on the world stage. This strategy is called nationalism, and Putin plays the card constantly. It helps to explain why his foreign policy is basically built on flipping the bird to the United States.

The third thing to remember is that in Russia, when the going gets tough, the tough don’t get going; they just sit back and take it. This is a society where suffering is almost a part of their DNA. As George Friedman, author of The Next 100 Years puts it, “They can endure things that would break other nations.”

My favorite metaphor for that is snow. In many parts of the United States, including the City of Denver, homeowners are required (once the snow stops falling) to clear the sidewalks in front of their homes. And even if it weren’t the law, many would do it anyway; that’s just who we are. In Russia? A few years ago I spent some December days at the Yuri Gagarin Spaceflight Center outside of Moscow. This place is the heart of that nation’s proudest high-tech achievements: the first satellite in space, then the first human being in space. And it’s still on a roll; since the demise of the American space shuttle, every one of our astronauts heading for the International Space Station spends several months there training to launch in the Russian Soyuz capsule.

So what happens there when it snows? Nothing. Absolutely nothing. Which means, when you’re driving on the network of narrow roads coursing through the complex, your wheels slide into ruts half-a-foot deep. When you’re walking, the steps leading into every building are treacherous with clumps of ice. Unlike us, they don’t try to mitigate the inconvenience and discomfort of their weather; they simply adapt to it. It’s as if something as simple as snow actually defines the culture of the country.

Who knows? Maybe with the ruble tumbling into the toilet and people’s buying power plummeting with it, Putin will finally pay the price. Surely, Russia’s citizens have grown to like a higher level of prosperity and economic choice and won’t like what’s happening today. But half the population has lived with less and, like our own “Greatest Generation” that endured the Depression, they could do it again. And Putin might just let them.

Not-So-Positive Proclamations

What do these positive proclamations have in common?

“We are stopping Ebola in its tracks.” (Centers for Disease Control director Dr. Tom Frieden)

“Don’t underestimate the Iraqi troops; they are well-trained and ready to protect their nation.” (Paraphrased from a recent Denver presentation by retired four-star General David Petraeus)

“In the unlikely event that someone with Ebola does reach our shores… we’re prepared here at home.” (President Barack Obama)

There is no sign that ISIS is “actively plotting against the homeland.” (General Martin Dempsey, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff)

“Mission accomplished.” (Former President George W. Bush)

The answer’s easy. What they all have in common is that each one was flat-out wrong. Whether said with naïve confidence, unsupported self-assurance, or deliberate inflation of the facts, each was meant to assure the American public that everything’s going to be alright. But it isn’t. Coming from leaders with the highest levels of medical, military, and political know-how, what they actually ended up assuring us was, we really don’t know who to believe any more.

And they assured us of something else too: just because people are smart enough to rise to the top in their chosen fields, they aren’t necessarily a whole lot smarter than the rest of us. Or sometimes, any smarter at all.

You could chalk it up to a couple of modern phenomena in this 21st-Century media-driven, short attention span, quick-fix world: better to paint a pretty picture first, then see if you can back it up. And better to give an answer even if it’s wrong, rather than no answer at all.

That might be fine in a different era— when there’s time to repaint the picture, or rephrase the answer— but these days, what we need to know is not that everything’s going to be alright (when it’s not), but rather, what’s wrong in our world and are we really able to fend it off? Since life is not a fairy tale, sometimes the answer is no.

But if we feel like this phenomenon of leaders painting misleadingly positive pictures is something new, rest assured that it’s not.

Records— and actual recordings— have been released from the days of Lyndon Johnson in the White House. And they are shocking. While publicly building our troop strength in Vietnam to more than half-a-million (many of whom came home in coffins), LBJ privately told insiders, “I don’t think it’s worth fighting for.” While publicly predicting an ultimate American victory over the peasant armies battling against us, Defense Secretary Robert McNamara privately and despondently told the President in a phone call that we keep throwing everything we’ve got at “these half-starved beggars” but they keep coming back for more.

If I want to feel good about my world, I’ll do the easy crossword puzzle on Mondays. If I want to feel informed about my world, I need to trust the people who feed us the information. These days, that trust runs thin.


When you’re in the Middle East and you are talking about political alliances, which today are at the core of the American campaign to create a coalition to decimate ISIS, there is an adage that you will hear as much as any: “The enemy of my enemy is my friend.”

Note that I use the word “alliances,” not “friendships,” because there really aren’t many genuine friendships between neighbors in that part of the world. To wit, back in the day when I roamed the region, the stories I covered included Iran’s eight-year war with its neighbor Iraq, potshots across the border between Egypt and its neighbor Libya, Lebanon’s entrapment in the clutches of its powerful neighbor Syria, and of course Saddam Hussein’s army rolling across the frontier to occupy its neighbor Kuwait. And the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia? Thanks to a long history of religious, cultural, financial, and petroleum rivalries, the Saudis are more frightened of nuclear weapons in Iran’s hands than in Israel’s. But here’s why a scorecard won’t help you: back during the Gulf War, Iraq threatened to invade Saudi Arabia, which is at loggerheads with Iran, which fought that long war with Iraq. Who’s on first?!?

The point is, as the United States gears up yet again for war in the Middle East, no matter how necessary for our national security, we can only hope that the Obama administration understands the bitter relationships between nations, and leaders, who would be our allies. It would have been helpful if someone in the administration had been with me once when I reported on an Arab summit in Morocco where, from my vantage point overlooking a “welcome reception” in the garden of one of the King’s palaces, most of the region’s leaders stayed stone-faced in just one corner or another, never crossing to different corners to greet their Arab brothers.

It would also be helpful if someone in the administration could just take a look at the facade of the magnificent Burj Al Arab on a man-made island in the tiny but tenacious Emirate of Dubai; it might be the single best metaphor for the hostility that is almost palpable between Middle East neighbors. This thousand-foot-high hotel (the Royal Suite, approximately $19,000 per night) can be seen across the Persian Gulf on the shores of Iran, and Iran doesn’t like what it sees: megawatt lights within the facade in the shape of a 50-story high Christian cross, not officially acknowledged by that description but unofficially said to be western-oriented Dubai’s way of flipping the bird at its Islamist neighbor… every night.

So yes, if the adage is true and the enemy of our enemy is our friend, we have a lot of friends today in that unfriendly part of the world. But last week I went to hear a presentation by General David Petraeus, sponsored by the Denver-based Counterterrorism Education Learning Lab (CELL), and this man who has commanded our armies in Iraq and Afghanistan and knows the Middle East as well as anyone in Washington made me think about things in a whole new way, and he did that by turning the adage on its head: remember, he warned, that in that part of the world, the enemy of my enemy is also still my enemy.

That’s what makes our campaign against ISIS so complicated. We certainly aren’t cozy with Iran, yet we’re on the same side in this newest war (and to complicate matters, our friend France, which is part of our coalition, wants to invite Iran to join it too, which we don’t). We surely don’t have an alliance with Hamas, yet when it comes to the regime of Bashar al-Assad in Syria, we find ourselves on the same side: we both want him out. Carrying these complexities to the extreme, Assad’s Syria is more threatened by ISIS than we are, but we’re sure not joining hands with a dictator who’s close to some of our adversaries just because we have this one enemy in common.

It doesn’t take a genius to know that from Vietnam to Afghanistan to Iraq, American foreign policy has often failed to understand the nuances of different religions, different cultures, different alliances. If ISIS truly does threaten to be a haven for terrorists the likes of which the world has never seen, then our national security depends on us understanding all those differences, better than we ever have before.

Art in a Nutshe….um….Tortoise Shell

Since I was in Aspen anyway, I thought, Well, might as well go see the tortoises. I’ve been in Colorado’s richest boom town many times but, to be sure, this was the first time that the words “tortoises” and “Aspen” have popped up in the same moment in my mind.

The tortoises I’m talking about, of course, are the three African tortoises on display at the new and newly controversial Aspen Art Museum. Note that I say the tortoises are “on display” rather than “in an art exhibit.” That’s because, as hard as I tried, I just couldn’t fit them into any established definition of art.

Let’s start with the title of the display: Moving Ghost Town. That’s because the exhibit consists of these three tortoises moving around their enclosure— of course you have to stand there quite a while to actually see them move but that’s a different issue— with two iPads balanced like sandwich boards atop small wooden platforms on each tortoise’s back. Each iPad apparently displays video images of Colorado’s ghost town heritage.

Note, once again, that I say that each iPad “apparently” displays these pictures. That’s because the enclosure is up on the rooftop level of the museum, and since the tortoises were out in the glaring sun, I couldn’t see a thing on the screens of the iPads. I have an iPad myself, and have long known that in bright sunlight, you can’t see anything on the screen, save perhaps the reflection of the sun. Having raised roughly $70-million to build this new museum, couldn’t someone have popped for an experimental iPad before commissioning the exhibit to see if it would even work?

Then there’s the small paper plaque describing the exhibit itself. Usually in a museum if materials are described, it’ll say something like “Oils,” “Charcoal,” “Acrylics,” “Watercolors,” “Paper Maché,” something to give us some background we might not otherwise recognize. But for MovingGhost Town, the words are, and I kid you not, “Tortoises, iPads, and Grass.” Sorry, but that was something I already could see for myself… even if I couldn’t actually see the video I was supposed to see on the iPads (which according to the alleged artist, was taken by the tortoises themselves, which might explain why I wasn’t all that disappointed to miss it).

Note, one more time, my choice of words: “alleged artist.” That’s because I haven’t yet figured out how Tortoises, iPads, and Grass fit into any definition of art. I was in the area because I’d just moderated a symposium at the Anderson Ranch art center in Snowmass entitled“Making the Change They Want To See.” It was about artists as activists, artists using their art to effect change in society. In my book that’s a good use of any artistic medium, as opposed to producing art strictly for profit, or for a creative outlet, or personal satisfaction, or simply for impact. Someone at the symposium described art as “anything that makes us see the world in a whole new way.” Fair enough. But I’m not sure the Aspen exhibit even does that.

The last piece of controversy about the tortoises is thanks to the radical group PETA: People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals. Frankly, when I see them inveigh about an issue with animals, and I don’t have to tell you that they consider anything that puts iPads on the backs of tortoises totally inhumane— or should theword actually be “intortane?”— I rush to join the other side. Look, my family and I once toured a turtle farm in the Caribbean, and I’m not exaggerating when I tell you that two of them were mating in a pool as we walked in and when we walked out 90 minutes later, they were still… um… going at it. Although I never did find out which one’s on top, I’m convinced that these guys can take the weight of two iPads.

I’m also convinced, if Aspen could raise $70-million for its new museum, it could dobetter things with the money than Tortoises, iPads, and Grass.

On Israel and Hamas

It can be exasperating to see more than one side to a story, especially a story like the war between Israel and Hamas. But that’s what journalists have to do to do our jobs right: whether on a battlefield or at a ballot box, our job is to report on what each side in a conflict endures and what each side thinks. It doesn’t mean we don’t have ivory-tower opinions about who should win and who should lose. It just means, our opinions aren’t the story; the facts on the ground are.

That’s why I’m tired of pro-Israeli Americans (which sometimes equates to anti-Palestinian, but not always) who have complained about disproportionate coverage of Israel’s conflict with Hamas… disproportionate, in their view, because there has been so much more news about suffering Palestinians than about suffering Israelis.

Sure, that’s true, but here’s why: there are more Palestinians suffering today than Israelis. Although much smaller than Israel in both population and geography, Gaza’s casualty counts from the war— the dead, the injured, the homes smashed, the childhoods shattered— dwarf the numbers in Israel. If you appreciate as I do from years of reporting in that part of the world that many Palestinians whose lives have turned tragically upside down are not sympathizers of the “anti-Zionist” zealots of Hamas, you understand that human misery, no matter where, is mournful. And part of the story.

But I’m equally tired of pro-Palestinian Americans (which sometimes equates to anti-Israeli, even anti-Semitic, but not always) who have complained about disproportionate destruction on the Palestinian side of the border. Sure, it’s been disproportionate, but here’s why: Israel is stronger. That’s the nature of war. It’s not Israel’s fault that the rockets Hamas has haphazardly hurled into Israel are far less precise than the missiles Israel targeted on Gaza (although still often imperfect). Putting aside issues of injustice during the settlement of the American West, just because the Indians’ traditional ammunition was the arrow, the white man wasn’t obliged to set aside his bullets and pick up a bow. The white man had rifles, he was stronger, and he won.

Another complaint by pro-Israeli Americans is that the news media doesn’t report on what pushed Israel into this war in the first place. Trouble is, that just isn’t true. It has been and continues to be widely reported. If you don’t know that Hamas dug dozens of tunnels for terrorists to infiltrate Israel (I’ve been in them and reported on them; they were years in the making) and amassed thousands of rockets to fire into Israel and, by the way, that Hamas calls in its charter for a holy war against Israel, you just aren’t paying attention.

But another complaint by pro-Palestinian Americans isn’t true either, the complaint that Israel’s oppressive policies pushed Palestinians toward terrorism. Yes, Palestinians rightfully feel oppressed— I’ve reported on frustrating hours spent at roadblocks myself, simply trying to cross the border (and I’m not even Palestinian). But Israel’s motives must be acknowledged: with a history of attacks against them, they are like the TSA, treating every human being as a possible terrorist, to stop the one who is. The trouble is, like other terrorist groups such as Hezbollah and al Qaeda and now ISIS, Hamas is driven by two things that have little to do with Israel: religious intolerance and anti-Western hatred. From my own reporting, they’ve been passed down from generation to generation. And are still being taught.

Pro-Palestinian Americans rightfully complain, though, that a weighty ratio of the Palestinian death toll is non-combatants, women and children. But pro-Israeli Americans rightfully complain that by placing its warriors and weapons amongst them, Hamas callously keeps them in harm’s way.

What it comes down to is, there is anger on both sides. And pain. And fear. And the belief that combatants on the other side disregard the safety of non-combatants on your side and thus are terrorists. That is the story. It is all reported.

On Dictators

This could get me in trouble. Big trouble. Because it’s going to sound like I long for the days of dictators. Dictators like Saddam Hussein, Bashar al-Assad, Hosni Mubarak, Marshall Tito, the Shah.

I don’t. But I do wonder, from the standpoint of national security, were we somehow better off when they were still around? In some cases, were even their own citizens better off too? Hard to say, but also hard to dismiss.

So, as Americans for whom freedom is a precious principle but security is a prime priority, it’s a question worth asking. If our geopolitical strategy amounts to choosing the lesser of two evils, and it often does, then arguably, the world was a better place… for us, anyway… when there were dictators who controlled their people because however malicious their means, terrorists couldn’t operate within their borders and thus, couldn’t threaten us. We have plenty of counterterrorism tools at our command, both military and civil, but none works better than containing the threat at its source.

Iraq is the poster boy for this kind of thinking. Believe me, Saddam was a bad guy; I was among a handful of journalists who got to one of the Kurdish villages he gassed, leaving hundreds of grotesque corpses as a warning to others who harbored dreams of rebellion. So if nothing else, morality prevents me fromcalling Saddam’s ruthless reign the good ol’ days.

But here’s the other side of the coin: notwithstanding the flimsy grounds for the U.S. invasion in 2003, was Iraq then a breeding ground for terrorism as it is today? The fact is, we invaded Iraq to drive out terrorists who were not actually there until we went in to drive them out. Think ISIS, which is trying to establish and expand what would amount to an anti-Western terrorists’ haven. That is Iraq, post-Saddam.

To carry the argument further, neither are most Iraqis plainly better off. I made a few trips there when Saddam was in charge, and while Iraqis didn’t live lives we’d envy, they were able to go about their business pretty much without interference as long as they didn’t get on Saddam’s bad side. Today? There is no good side to be on. If you’re Sunni, the government is shutting you out of civil life in Iraq. If you’re Shiite, ISIS is shutting you down. Citizens can’t go to the market, kids can’t go to school, mourners can’t go to a funeral, without the threat of a car bomb that might kill them all.

Hindsight is a wonderful tool. And it’s only with hindsight that I raise these questions. In fact, if another dictator was brutally mistreating his people today, I’d probably be agitating to go in and get him. But not before asking, who’s likely to replace him? Would a new regime be worse for our security than what we have now? Likewise, would it be worse for its own people than what they have now? Then the final question: morally, can I support him because he’s still not as bad as whatever or whoever might replace him?

Life doesn’t always offer a happy ending. What we need to figure out is, which ending is the least unhappy, when it comes to who we fight and who we back.

On US Space

Now it’s getting serious! Because of Ukraine, the last visible vestige of cooperation between the United States and Russia, which